YALE    LECTURES    ON   THE 
RESPONSIBILITIES    OF    CITIZENSHIP 


THE   RELATIONS   OF 
EDUCATION   TO   CITIZENSHIP 


YALE  LECTURES  ON  THE 
RESPONSIBILITIES   OF   CITIZENSHIP 


AMERICA  IN  THE  MAKING 
By  REV.  LYMAN  ABBOTT,  D.D.,  LL.D. 
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THE  HINDRANCES  TO  GOOD  CITIZENSHIP 
By  the  RIGHT  HON.  JAMES  BBYCE 
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CONDITIONS    OF   PROGRESS   IN    DEMOCRATIC 

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AMERICAN  CITIZENSHIP 
By  the  late  DAVID  J.  BBEWER,  Associate  Justice  of 

the  Supreme  Court 
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THE  CITIZEN  IN  HIS  RELATION  TO  THE  INDUS- 
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LL.D. 
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FREEDOM  AND  RESPONSIBILITY 
By  ABTHUR  TWINING  HADLEY,  LL.D.,  President  of 

Yale  University 
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FOUR  ASPECTS  OF  Civic  DUTY 
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THE 

RELATIONS  OF  EDUCATION 
TO  CITIZENSHIP 


BY 


SIMEON  E.  BALDWIN 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON : HENRY  FROWDE 

OXFORD   UNIVERSITY   PRESS 

MCMXII 


COPYRIGHT  ,  1912 
BY 

YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


First  printed  September,  1912,  1000  copies 


PRINTED  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 


TO    MY    SISTER 

ELIZABETH   WOOSTER   WHITNEY 

WHOSE    LOVE    HAS    CHEERED    MY    LIFE 
AND    WHOSE    SON 

EDWARD    BALDWIN    WHITNEY 

MADE    HIS    EDUCATION    TELL    IN 

PUBLIC    SERVICE 
I    DEDICATE    THIS    BOOK 


258684 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

I.    THE    POWER    WHICH    EDUCATION   GIVES    FOB 

PUBLIC  SERVICE 1 

II.     SHAPING  EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  ....      27 

III.  THE  EDUCATED  MAN  AS  A  VOTER,   AND   PRI- 

VATE CITIZEN 55 

IV.  THE  EDUCATED  MAN  IN  PUBLIC  OFFICE    .     .      83 
V.     THE  EDUCATED  MAN  AS  A  CREATOR  OF  PUBLIC 

OPINION 112 

VI.    THE  SPIRIT  OF  CHRISTIAN  CITIZENSHIP  ...     146 


INDEX  173 


THE   RELATIONS   OF 
EDUCATION   TO   CITIZENSHIP 


.  or 


THE   POWER  WHICH   EDUCATION   GIVES 
FOR  PUBLIC  SERVICE 

AN  ancient  university  becomes  an  assemblage 
of  many  foundations.  They  are  the  gifts  and  be- 
quests of  as  many  different  men,  each  seeking  to 
perpetuate  the  pursuit  of  some  particular  line  of 
thought  or  knowledge,  which  seems  to  him  of 
especial  importance. 

The  founder  of  this  annual  lecture  was  one  whose 
life  was  a  long  exposition  of  what  a  good  citizen  can 
do,  though  it  may  be  mainly,  or  wholly,  in  private 
station,  to  make  things  better  in  a  public  way.  His 
object  in  making  this  gift  to  Yale  was,  to  use  his 
own  words,  to  promote  among  "students  and 
graduates,  and  among  educated  men  of  the  United 
States,  an  understanding  of  the  duties  of  Christian 
citizenship,  and  a  sense  of  personal  responsibility 
for  the  performance  of  those  duties." 

I  shall,  then,  address  myself  particularly  to  those 
who  are  receiving,  or  have  received,  such  a  training 
as  makes  educated  men. 


2  THE*  'RELATIONS  OF 

They  constitute,  throughout  the  world,  a  fast- 
growing  class,  to  whom  there  has  been  offered 
great  opportunities;  on  whom  there  has  been  thrown 
corresponding  obligations.  Not  since  the  early 
middle  ages  have  universities  been  so  thronged. 
During  the  first  decade  of  this  century,  the  attend- 
ance at  those  in  Germany  increased  from  34,000  to 
55,000; *  and  that  at  those  of  our  own  country  in 
a  proportion  probably  not  less.  This  is  due  partly 
to  the  presence  of  more  women,2  but  mainly  to  the 
common  conviction  of  civilized  mankind  that  a 
superior  education  is  the  best  means  of  adjusting 
the  individual  suited  to  receive  it  to  his  environ- 
ment and  making  him  most  useful  in  his  place  as  a 
member  of  human  society. 

It  involves  instruction  in  the  literature  of  knowl- 
edge, and  the  literature  of  power;  in  what  belongs 
to  the  intellect,  and  in  what  belongs  to  the  heart; 
in  the  spiritual  possessions,  as  well  as  the  material 
possessions  of  our  race.  So  far  as  it  is  gained  in 

1  In  the  Winter  semester  of  1911-12,  57,398  students  were 
matriculated  in  the  twenty-one  German  universities,  besides 
5,563  "auditors,"  who  attended  lectures,  but  were  not  matricu- 
lated. 

2  Among  the  students  described  in  the  foregoing  note 
there  were  2,796  women  in  the  lists  of  those  matriculated,  and 
1,739  more  of  them  in  the  lists  of  auditors.    Science,  xxxv, 
N.  S.  648. 


EDUCATION  TQ«  CITIZENSHIP'  3' 

college  or  university,  it  is  for  each  accompanied  by 
a  judgment  of  his  character,  rendered  by  instructors 
and  fellow-students,  frankly  pronounced,  unspar- 
ing in  its  tone  whether  of  commendation  or  condem- 
nation, and  for  the  most  part  self -convincing  to 
himself. 

Education,  if  it  be  real,  is  one  of  the  great  gifts 
of  life. 

Every  man,  Goethe  said,  is  either  an  anvil  or  a 
hammer.  The  educated  man  has  passed  through 
the  stage  of  the  anvil  and,  if  he  is  worth  anything 
in  character,  is  a  hammer.  Those  of  them  who  are 
worth  the  most  to  the  community  have  been  ham- 
mers from  boyhood  and,  one  might  say,  from  birth. 

The  college  student  and  the  college  graduate 
may  and  may  not  be  educated  men.  College  may 
add  little  or  nothing  to  what  they  knew  before. 
They  may  have  allowed  themselves  to  forget  that, 
and  to  make  no  new  acquirements  that  are  real 
and  substantial.  Dean  Swift  said  of  Oxford,  in  his 
bitter  way,  that  it  was  a  seat  of  great  learning. 
Everybody  who  entered  it  brought  some  learning 
with  him,  for  unless  he  did,  he  could  not  gam  ad- 
mission. No  one,  when  he  left  the  University,  ever 
took  any  learning  away.  Therefore  it  steadily 
accumulated  there.  I  do  not  think  that  the  limits 


4  -THE  DELATIONS  OF 

of  irony  would  permit  such  a  taunt  to  be  fairly 
flung  at  Yale,  or  indeed  at  any  university  of  our 
day,  in  England  or  America. 

Without  denying  that  success  in  athletics  is 
ranked  too  high  in  the  student-world,  as  compared 
with  success  in  scholarship,  we  must  remember 
that  distinction  is  dear  to  all,  and  that  Nature 
produces  more  young  men  with  capabilities  for 
eminence  in  the  contests  of  the  ball  field  and  the 
rowing  course,  than  of  those  who  can  win  the  highest 
scholastic  honors.  We  must  remember,  too,  that 
the  athlete  is  the  product  of  careful  and  special 
education  in  certain  lines,  —  the  education  of  the 
body  and  of  the  habit  of  mind.  He  has  learned  to 
be  attentive,  observant,  accurate,  obedient.  He 
knows  his  place.  Athletic  "training"  is  another 
name  for  self  renunciation  and  self  restraint.  If 
it  leads  to  the  coveted  success,  the  man,  we  may  be 
sure,  has  done  good  work  in  his  own  peculiar  sphere; 
and  whoever  in  the  world  does  that  deserves  ap- 
plause. He  has  shown  both  strength  of  body  and 
strength  of  character;  and  he  is  admired  for  both. 

Still,  athletics  is  but  one  of  the  side-shows  in 
College  life,  and  the  men  know  it. 

It  was  reassuring  to  hear,  last  year,  of  a  result  of 
an  inquiry  set  on  foot  by  one  of  the  staff  of  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  5 

Yale  News.  The  members  of  the  two  lower  classes 
in  Yale  College  were  asked  which  would  be  their 
preference:  to  win  a  Y  in  athletics,  or  the  rank  in 
scholarship  that  assured  membership  in  the  <£  B  K 
Society.  A  large  majority  preferred  eminence  in 
scholarship  to  eminence  in  athletics.  They  were 
ready  to  take  education  hi  arts  and  letters  at  its 
real  value.  They  felt  that  to  gain  that  was  what  had 
brought  them  here. 

But  College,  at  best,  can  give  us  but  a  small  part 
of  an  education.  It  is  only  the  preface  of  the  book, 
which  she  translates  for  us.  Her  aim  is  to  let  us 
know  why  it  was  written,  and  for  what.  What  it 
is  comes  later.  In  Emerson's  words:  "The  things 
taught  in  colleges  and  schools  are  not  an  educa- 
tion, but  the  means  of  education."  The  world 
is  our  best,  as  it  is  our  earliest,  teacher,  —  a  hard 
mistress,  but  generally  a  just  one.  She  gives  and 
takes. 

We  can  be  taught  to  understand  what  she  shows 
us,  better  than  the  wholly  uneducated  man  can. 
We  can  be  taught  to  cultivate  our  powers  of  ob- 
servation and  discrimination,  so  that  we  can  per- 
ceive what  she  shows  us,  more  clearly  than  he.  We 
can  be  taught  to  reason;  to  compare;  to  study  the 
relations  of  things;  to  look  for  the  rule  that  measures 


6  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

great  things,  as  well  as  small;  to  use  the  glass  that 
makes  small  things  seem  great,  and  explain  the 
great. 

Juvenal  said  that  a  single  house  would  show  what- 
ever is  done  or  suffered  in  the  world.  Education 
may  give  us  the  power  to  see,  —  to  see  really,  — 
that  which  it  contains. 

It  may  give  us  the  X  ray  power  to  see  into  others' 
hearts.  It  is  true  that  the  experiences  of  our  own 
life,  as  it  goes  on  from  year  to  year,  are  to  teach  us 
the  deepest  lessons.  The  student  of  psychology 
particularly  finds  his  best  master  here.  But  he 
learns  also  to  respect  the  self-knowledge  of  those 
who  have  had  experiences  which  are  not  likely  to 
come  to  him.  Except  so  far,  for  instance,  as  the 
penologist  can  penetrate  the  mind  of  the  criminal 
classes,  he  will  know  less  of  the  motives  or  the  con- 
sequences of  crime  than  the  convict  in  his  cell. 
Sin  reveals  the  sinner  to  himself. 

Education  will  help  to  give  us  another  quality 
which,  hi  considering  any  duties  attaching  to  citizen- 
ship, is  of  the  first  importance.  I  mean  a  steady 
balance  of  judgment. 

The  man  whom,  in  the  long  run,  the  people  are 
most  ready  to  trust  with  the  care  of  great  things 
is  not  the  enthusiast,  because  of  his  enthusiasm; 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  7 

not  the  orator,  because  of  his  eloquence;  but  the 
well-poised,  cool,  and  careful  statesman. 

There  is  a  word  in  our  language  which  has  ac- 
quired a  new  meaning  of  late  years.  It  is  "sanity." 
We  use  it  to  express  a  faculty  of  coming  to  calm 
and  sober  decisions,  —  of  taking  calm  and  sober 
views,  belonging  in  a  marked  degree  to  an  excep- 
tional man.  He  is  "sane."  The  rest  of  us  are  not. 
This  way  of  looking  at  men's  minds  indicates  the 
feverishness  of  our  age.  It  is  unsettled.  We  may 
reasonably  look  to  men  of  higher  education  to  cool 
it  off;  to  quiet  and  steady  it;  to  give  its  forces  a 
direction  in  healthy  ways. 

Education  tends  to  tolerance.  It  opens  our  eyes 
to  the  element  of  soundness  and  vitality  which 
is  to  be  found  hi  most  things  that,  as  a  whole,  are 
false  and  bad.  It  teaches  us  to  meet  what  seems 
to  us  sophistry,  at  its  first  approach  at  least,  with 
a  certain  respect.  Our  powers  have  been  trained 
to  enable  us  to  disprove,  not  to  deny.  Denials, 
with  no  attempt  at  disproof,  simply  irritate.  Les- 
sing  once  said  that  the  only  people  who  bear  con- 
tradiction patiently  are  the  dead;  and  Voltaire, 
approaching  the  same  thought  from  the  other  side, 
declared  that  it  was  the  triumph  of  reason  to  be 
able  to  live  comfortably  with  those  who  haven't 


8  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

got  it.  Possibly  we  may  find  in  the  end,  that  it 
was  we,  who  were  without  it.  And  the  end  is  the 
point  of  view  which  an  educated  man  never  forgets. 
He  knows  that  time  is  the  great  teacher. 

Education  is  always  a  slow  process.  The  facts 
which  it  builds  on  and  the  relations  between  them 
were  each,  at  some  time,  newly  discovered,  and  at 
first  but  half  accepted.  Origen  said  that  God  had 
sown  truth  in  the  world,  but  had  let  mankind  arrive 
at  it  by  the  slow  instrumentality  of  human  research. 
Education  has  opened  the  mind  to  receive  it;  but 
has  also  given  us  the  defence  of  distrust.  Is  it 
something  real  that  has  been  brought  to  light;  or 
has  merely  a  new  name  been  given  to  an  unreality? 
There  is  a  good  deal  in  that  observation  in  Wilhelm 
Meister,  that  books  generally  do  little  more  than 
give  our  errors  names. 

In  distinguishing  error  from  truth,  the  educated 
man  finds  more  difficulty  in  choosing  his  course 
than  the  uneducated  man,  and  much  more  than  the 
half-educated  man.  Breadth  of  view  is  the  great 
gift  of  education.  This  unsettles  as  well  as  settles 
the  mind.  It  keeps  it  in  a  habit  of  comparison. 

A  college  does  for  us  what  travel  does.  It  changes 
our  horizon  every  day.  It  does  also  what  travel 
cannot  do.  It  shows  us  the  horizon  which  limited 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  9 

the  view  of  the  greatest  men  hi  every  preceding 
age. 

Astronomers  tell  us  that  the  earth  hi  her  course 
about  the  sun  is  continually  coming  nearer  and 
nearer  to  it;  that  her  orbit  narrows  as  the  cycles 
of  time  pass  by.  It  is  not  so  with  the  free  mind  of 
man.  If  the  current  of  human  thought,  as  the 
centuries  run  on,  tends  to  return  upon  itself;  if 
lost  arts  are  rediscovered;  if  the  atomic  theory  of 
Lucretius  is  reproduced  by  modern  chemistry;  if 
the  evolution  of  things  of  which  Goethe  spoke  as 
a  poet,  be  again  proclaimed  by  Darwin  as  a  natural- 
ist; the  educated  man  sees  that  the  old  subject  is 
taken  up  with  a  new  power.  It  is  carried  farther. 
The  sweep  of  the  mind  is  ever  centrifugal.  Measure 
its  range  by  such  periods  as  befit  the  problem,  and 
it  never  narrows.  Were  there  dark  ages?  Yes. 
But  how  small  a  place  belongs  to  them  hi  the  two 
hundred  thousand  years  during  which  man  may 
have  inhabited  this  planet!  In  the  grand  words 
of  St.  Peter,  "one  day  is  with  the  Lord  as  a  thousand 
years  and  a  thousand  years  as  one  day."  We  are 
probably  still  in  the  beginning  of  human  history. 
We  are  learning  still  the  elements  of  knowledge. 
But  the  discovery  of  each  has  been  part  of  a  con- 
tinuous process.  It  takes;  as  it  comes,  its  appointed 


10  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

place  in  the  kingdom  of  human  thought,  whose 
history  links  us  to  the  divine,  and  has  no  reference 
to  time :  —  no  reference,  except  that  at  any  moment 
when  an  expression  of  that  thought  by  one  man  is 
to  be  judged  by  another,  the  judgment  will  be  false 
unless  that  whole  history  be  taken  into  view. 

We  get  in  college  a  start  towards  the  highest 
things  of  knowledge.  If  we  make  the  most  of  it, 
they  will  become  ours.  But  an  acquaintance  with 
the  highest  things  of  knowledge  is  not  necessary  for 
the  educated  man.  He  is  educated,  who  can  raise 
himself  above  the  common  level  of  the  community 
by  making  common  things  his  own,  in  the  fullest 
sense.  It  is  not  his  dead  self  that  he  stands  upon, 
but  his  living  self.  He  has  received,  and  he  has 
assimilated. 

There  are  who  receive;  and  give  out  nothing. 

Education,  in  imparting  power,  involves,  as  has 
been  said,  corresponding  responsibility.  The  edu- 
cated American  has  received  the  same  citizenship 
as  the  uneducated  American,  but  he  has,  in  taking 
it,  accepted  a  far  heavier  weight  of  duty.  He  must 
hammer  the  anvil.  He  must  be  an  intellectual  guide. 
He  ought  to  be  a  moral  guide.  He  may,  highest  of 
all,  be  a  spiritual  guide.  He  will  be,  in  the  truest 
sense,  so  far  as  he  throws  his  spirit  into  those  around 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  11 

him,  —  his  spirit  of  earnestness  and  sincerity;  of 
ardor  and  enthusiasm;  of  devotion  to  a  cause,  and 
to  the  leader  of  a  cause. 

It  is  in  these  directions  that  the  best  education 
spends  itself,  and  justifies  itself.  It  is  so  at  every 
stage,  —  with  primary  education  as  truly  as  with 
secondary  education.  As  Emerson  says:  .Each 
man  is  nothing  else  than  a  capacity  for  justice, 
truth,  love,  freedom,  and  power.1  It  is  the  supreme 
office  of  education  to  ascertain  how  best  for  each 
man  to  strengthen  and  elevate  that  one  capacity; 
to  feed  it  with  what  it  is  able  to  receive;  to  give  it, 
as  it  grows,  free  course  and  glory.  This  it  may  do 
for  each  of  us.  The  dullest  needs  it  most  and 
profits  by  it  most. 

But  education  cannot  re-create  the  man.  We 
are  not  all  born  equal.  The  value  of  a  man,  like 
the  value  of  a  mill-stream,  depends  upon  the  head. 
No  training  can  give  either  of  the  qualities  which, 
as  Lecky  says,  lead  to  the  most  splendid  successes 
of  life:  —  tact  and  judgment,  by  which  one  is 
enabled  to  seize  opportunities  and  make  the  most 
of  them. 

iThe  best  that  college  can  do  in  those  lines  is  to 
strengthen  the  judgment,  where  it  is  feeble,  by 
1  Journals,  127. 


12  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

enlarging  the  horizon  of  view,  and  to  lead  to  what 
may  appear  to  be  tact,  but  is  only  the  observance 
of  wise  social  conventions. 

Every  young  man,  whatever  may  be  his  native 
gifts,  suffers  from  the  want  of  sufficient  standards 
of  comparison.  In  critical  moments,  he  does  not 
know  what  others  have  done  when  such  moments 
came  to  them.  He  does  not  know  what  are  critical 
moments,  for  he  cannot  measure  cause  and  effect 
in  the  full  light  of  history  or  of  philosophy.  In- 
creasing years  will  help  him,  here,  and  education, 
more. 

But  he  who  has  had  the  advantage  of  superior 
training  in  addition  to  tact  and  judgment,  born  in 
him,  is  a  trustee  of  great  possessions.  He  has  in- 
herited great  things  and  he  has  also  that  which 
makes  them  of  the  highest  worth.  He  is  one  of 
those  answerable  for  ten  talents,  because  ten  have 
been  committed  to  him.  He  must  not  shirk  the 
public  duties,  which  they  impose. 

Neither  can  he  look  otherwise  than  with  admira- 
tion on  the  men  whom  he  may  meet  in  public  life 
who  have  educated  themselves.  The  Franklins 
and  Shermans,  whose  reading  was  at  odd  hours,  and 
self-directed,  became  entitled  to  the  name  of  edu- 
cated men  in  the  fullest  sense.  They  had  missed 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  13 

much,  but  they  could  afford  to  miss  much,  because 
they  had  acquired  much. 

Their  birthright  of  power  was  also,  in  some  points, 
a  title  to  public  favor  and  confidence.  The  self- 
educated  man  often  has  more  influence  over  the 
general  public  than  those  who  have  received  a 
collegiate  education.  He  was  born  with  superior 
talents.  He  has  added  cultivation.  He  stands 
head  and  shoulders  above  the  crowd,  and  yet  he 
was  born  one  of  them  and  bred  one  of  them.  They 
feel  that  he  is  their  natural  master.  One  who,  with 
equal  talents,  has  been  educated  by  others  wins 
such  a  position  with  far  greater  difficulty.  He  can 
win  it,  however,  and  it  will  be  his  own  fault  if  he 
do  not;  probably  a  fault  of  manners. 

One  obstacle  which,  hi  a  country  like  ours,  lies 
before  him  to  be  conquered,  is  a  tendency  among 
many  who  have  had  no  collegiate  education  to  look 
on  those  who  have,  as  mere  theorists. 

The  educated  man  is  always  a  theorist,  though 
he  may  dislike  to  be  called  so.  But  what  is  a  theo- 
rist? As  applied  to  questions  of  government  it  may 
mean  the  man  who  has  the  widest  horizon,  who 
knows  the  most  of  the  historical  experience  of 
nations,  who  judges  not  by  what  has  been  the  suc- 
cess, real  or  apparent,  in  his  own  time,  or  his  own 


14  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

land,  of  certain  measures,  but  by  what  have  been 
their  effects  in  all  times  and  all  lands.  Such  an 
one  is  familiar  with  underlying  principles. 

Goethe  said  of  Seneca  that  he  saw  Nature  as  an 
uncultivated  man;  since  not  it,  but  its  events,  in- 
terested him.  The  scientific  theorist  looks  beneath 
the  surface.  He  looks  back,  as  well  as  forward. 

The  most  popular  cry,  not  only  to-day,  but  al- 
ways and  everywhere  in  American  politics,  is  for 
progressive  policies.  Our  people  have  no  patience 
with  mere  stand-stills.  They  know  that  all  life 
is  motion,  and  that  that  of  society  always  ought  to 
be  and  can  be  motion  forward. 

But  it  is  often  not  an  easy  thing  to  distinguish 
between  advancing  and  retrograding  forces.  Who 
can  best  do  it?  The  man  who  has  had  scientific 
instruction  in  those  general  ideas  which  are  com- 
mon to  all  scholars  of  all  countries  and,  we  may 
almost  say,  of  all  times.  He  has  read  the  books 
which  the  world  has  sifted  out  as  worth  saving  from 
the  libraries  of  three  thousand  years.  He  has  been 
shown  what  experiments  men  have  made  in  political 
government,  and  with  what  success.  He  has  been 
taught  something  of  what  we  call  philosophy,  — 
the  science  that  concerns  itself  with  the  reason  and 
principles  of  things  and  men. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  15 

He  has  learned  to  read  history  in  that  spirit. 
To  the  average  man  the  history  of  his  own  country 
is  valuable  for  itself.  The  main  events  which  it 
records,  and  a  few  great  facts  of  universal  history, 
he  ought  to  know,  even  if  he  cannot  discern  their 
relations  and  dependencies.  But  to  the  historical 
scholar,  who  can  study  them  philosophically,  they 
assume  a  meaning  which  enables  him  to  be  a  true 
teacher  of  the  people. 

He  will  "speak  forth  the  words  of  truth  and 
soberness."  No  scholar  is  a  ranter.  The  power  of 
education  is  a  steady  rather  than  an  impetuous  force. 
It  is  unfavorable  to  enthusiasm.  It  does  not  carry 
points  by  storm.  It  may  appeal  to  feeling,  but  it 
is  because  it  sees  a  reason  for  so  doing,  rather  than 
as  a  natural  outburst  of  one  who  cannot  do  other- 
wise. Education  does  not  make  extremists.  It 
compels  consideration  of  both  sides  of  a  question, 
before  adopting  a  definite  position  in  regard  to  itv 

As  a  result,  the  educated  man  will  be  apt  to  be 
neither  a  conservative  nor  a  radical.  He  knows  too 
much  to  be  wholly  satisfied  with  either  policy.  He 
knows  that  whatever  in  human  politics  is  new  is 
simply  a  re-adjustment  of  what  is  old,  or  a  not 
unnatural  development  from  it.  He  knows,  too, 
that  whatever  in  human  politics  is  old  is  also  dead, 


16  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

unless  susceptible  of  re-adjustment  to  what  is  new, 
or  capable  of  developing  itself  from  within  into 
something  new,  with  the  help  of  new  environment^ 

The  noisy  praters  about  new  truths  and  new 
political  discoveries,  are  generally  those  who,  if 
they  have  tasted  the  Pierian  spring  at  all,  have  not 
drunk  deep  at  it.  If  they  knew  more  of  the  past, 
they  would  know  more  of  the  present.  They  would 
be  less  eager  to  add  incongruous  appendages  to  an- 
cient institutions,  and  more  mindful  that  the  incon- 
gruity between  the  less  and  the  greater  is  always 
eventually  fatal  to  the  less.  * 

In  this  lies  one  great  and  peculiar  opportunity 
of  the  educated  American  in  the  twentieth  century. 
It  comes  with  the  rapid  increase  of  immigration  from 
Continental  Europe.  Our  people  are  daily  recruited 
from  those  bred  up  under  very  different  political 
institutions.  The  new  comers  know  little  of  ours 
except  that  they  assure  large  individual  liberty, 
and  also  permit  the  free  association  of  any  who  aim 
at  social  or  economical  change.  A  large  part  of 
them  are  distinctly  socialists  in  the  extremest 
sense.  Ordinarily  the  foreigner  who  settles  here 
believes  that  this  is  a  land  of  opportunity,  but  does 
not  know  how  it  became  such  or  is  maintained  such. 
He  does  not  know  how  much  he  owes  to  our  law. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  17 

He  knows  very  well  what  impediments  it  put  in 
the  way  of  his  entering  the  country.  He  is  not 
predisposed  to  look  on  it  with  favor. 

Goldwin  Smith,  in  speaking  of  the  Neapolitans, 
said  that  "when  the  law  has  been  for  centuries  the 
enemy  of  the  people,  the  people  become  the  enemies 
of  the  law."  Of  those  who  now  come  to  us  in  such 
great  numbers  from  Southern  Italy  and  Russia  and 
Northeastern  Europe,  many  have  grown  up  with 
this  inborn  and  hereditary  feeling  of  enmity  to  law. 
They  do  not  ask  government  to  redress  their  wrongs. 
They  prefer  to  do  it  themselves.  They  are  apt  to 
prefer  a  resort  to  pistols  and  knives,  to  bringing  a 
law-suit  or  filing  a  complaint  with  a  prosecuting 
^officer.  It  is  this  way  of  looking  at  our  legal  institu- 
tions that  leads  so  often  to  their  abuse  of  the  right 
of  organized  labor  to  strike,  by  resort  to  mob 
violence  and  arms  to  aid  it. 

They  and  their  children  must  be  taught  the  value 
of  what  they  find  here,  and  what  it  cost  those  from 
whom  it  has  been  inherited. 

Education  teaches  how  to  reach  such  men  and 
also  how  to  influence  public  sentiment  in  respect 
to  them.  As  to  this,  everyone  who  has  been  taught 
their  language  has  a  special  responsibility,  but  all 
who  have  studied  the  history  of  their  country,  or 


18  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

of  the  world,  are  in  a  position  to  do  them,  and 
through  them  the  community,  substantial  service. 

We  wish  for  the  perpetuity  of  American  institu- 
tions. If  it  comes,  it  will  not  be  from  the  persist- 
ence of  the  original  stock  of  the  first  settlers.  It 
will  be  from  the  persistence  of  their  ideas  of  govern- 
ment and  law. 

The  American  race,  except  in  the  Southern  States, 
is  rapidly  becoming  a  composite  one.  But  in  Ameri- 
can institutions  there  has  been  shown  a  great  as- 
similative power.  Especially  is  this  true  of  our 
system  of  popular  education.  It  is  given  by  edu- 
cated people.  It  offers,  at  least,  the  beginnings  of 
knowledge.  The  common  school  burns  away  the 
dross  of  alienage,  and  fuses  gold  with  gold.  The 
school  teacher  is  the  truest  friend  of  constitutional 
government  in  the  United  States.  He  was,  in  the 
Southern  States,  before  the  civil  war,  the  most 
dangerous  man,  as  respects  their  system  of  social 
organization.  He  has  been  regarded  with  similar 
apprehension  hi  Russia.  There  until  recently  no 
peasant  could  lawfully  be  taught  by  any  one  in  more 
than  a  certain  and  closely  limited  number  of  speci- 
fied subjects.  A  violation  of  this  rule  was  a  penal 
offence.  A  despotic  empire,  in  other  words,  did  not 
dare  to  let  the  common  people  acquire  more  than 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  19 

the  rudiments  of  knowledge.  To  teach  them  more 
might  render  them  less  compliant  subjects. 

The  South  remains  of  the  old  American  type,  be- 
cause the  foreigner  seldom  seeks  a  home  there;  and 
he  seldom  seeks  it,  because  of  the  inferiority  of 
its  schools  and  the  practical  monopoly,  out  of  the 
large  cities  and  manufacturing  centers,  of  negro 
labor. 

There  is  less  immigration  also  in  the  Western 
than  in  the  Eastern  States.  The  immigrants  come 
across  the  Atlantic  and  prefer  to  settle  near  one  of 
our  great  ports  on  that  ocean,  so  that  they  can  easily 
return  to  their  native  land. 

It  is,  therefore,  to  the  East  that  the  growth  of 
a  foreign  population  here  is  especially  important, 
and  brings  peculiar  opportunities  to  public  men. 

The  power  of  appreciating  and  grasping  oppor- 
tunities, whether  in  this  or  any  other  direction,  is 
greatly  strengthened  by  a  superior  education.  It 
gives  something  to  measure  by.  The  people  know 
this,  though  it  is  true  that  to  fasten  upon  a  public 
man  the  name  of  a  scholar  in  politics  is  still  to  dis- 
credit him.  If  he  be  a  scholar  and  nothing  else,  the 
world  is  quite  right,  should  it  put  him  aside  for  what 
it  calls  a  practical  statesman.  One  thus  charac- 
terized may  be  a  scholar  too,  though  making  less 


20  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

parade  of  his  scholarship.  But  it  is  more  likely 
that,  well  as  he  may  work  in  a  narrow  field,  he  is 
incapable  of  enlarging  it.  He  will  generally  be 
familiar,  at  most,  only  with  local  and  recent  history, 
—  with  the  articles  of  political  science  of  the  day, 
not  with  the  reasons  and  conditions  out  of  which 
they  have  been  formulated. 

If  one  of  the  school  of  "practical  statesmen" 
rises  to  high  office,  it  will  generally  be  found  that 
his  advancement  has  come  largely  from  his  combin- 
ing good  judgment  with  great  powers  of  literary 
composition.  He  comes  to  sound  conclusions,  and 
can  tell  why.  He  can  tell  why  so  plainly  that  every- 
body can  follow  his  lines  of  thought,  and  compre- 
hend exactly  what  the  positions  which  he  maintains 
are,  and  to  what  they  lead. 

Some  men  seem  born  with  the  gift  of  expressing 
themselves  clearly  and  to  the  point.  To  every  one, 
education  gives  a  certain  facility  in  this  regard. 
It  is  a  strong  weapon,  in  strong  hands. 

The  power  of  the  pen  in  influencing  political  action 
is  nowhere  greater  than  with  us,  because,  in  view 
particularly  of  our  law  of  libel,  nowhere  else  is  public 
discussion  equally  free. 

Under  the  common  law  of  England,  the  criticism 
of  public  men  is  much  more  restrained.  Here  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  21 

candidate  for  public  office  by  popular  election, 
though  it  be  a  judicial  one,  must  expect  personal 
attacks  and  be  able  to  repel  them  with  vigor. 

Here  also  the  platform  is  assuming  new  impor- 
tance from  the  spread  of  the  initiative,  referendum, 
and  recall.  Where  a  people  legislates  as  a  whole, 
without  the  benefit  of  such  discussions  as  belong 
to  representative  legislatures,  they  must  have 
brought  before  them  the  reasons  for  or  against  the 
measures,  upon  which  they  are  to  vote,  in  the  clear- 
est way,  or  the  whole  proceeding  will  be  a  mockery 
of  justice. 

So  in  every  State  a  printed  appeal,  signed  by 
influential  men,  to  the  electors,  to  vote  for  leaders 
who  are  committed  to  certain  policies,  will  have 
great  weight,  and  he  who  can  put  such  a  paper  hi 
the  best  form  will  do  good  service  to  his  party  and 
indeed  to  the  community;  for  it  will  stir  discussion 
on  a  high  level  and  call  for  answer. 

Such  an  appeal  must  be  well-written,  in  order  to 
catch  the  public  eye:  clear,  concise,  vigorous, 
earnest.  It  must  be  signed  by  men  who  command 
public  confidence.  Their  names  must  be  judiciously 
arranged.  It  must  appear  at  the  psychological 
moment,  when  it  will  be  likely  to  prove  most  effect- 
ive. It  must  be  published  in  such  form  and  way 


22  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

as  most  surely  to  reach  those  whose  votes  it  is  de- 
signed especially  to  influence.  A  well-trained  mind, 
and  a  well-trained  mind  only,  caa  meet  all  these 
requirements. 

We  are  considering  the  responsibilities  and  op- 
portunities of  Christian  citizenship  and  how  educa- 
tion helps  to  meet  them.  Sir  Edward  Burne-Jones 
said  that  the  rule  of  Christianity  was  to  make  the 
most  of  your  best,  for  the  sake  of  others.  No  one 
can  understand  clearly  how  to  do  this,  without  the 
aid  of  education.  That,  in  showing  us  the  relations 
of  things,  points  the  way  towards  shaping  our  rela- 
tions to  others  so  as  to  make  them  of  the  fullest 
mutual  benefit.  What  we  have  to  say  to  them,  it 
helps  us  to  say  clearly.  What  we  have  to  do  for 
them,  it  helps  us  to  do  effectively.  What  we  have 
to  fulfil  of  public  duty,  it  helps  us  fulfil  in  a  way  to 
secure  a  public  benefit. 

The  man,  for  instance,  who  reads  French  has  an 
opportunity  at  hand  every  day  to  use  his  knowledge 
by  studying  at  first  hand  the  original  records  of  the 
development  of  modern  life  in  France.  He  does  not 
have  to  wait  until  somebody  else  has  selected  which 
of  the  new  books  by  French  authors  is  most  likely 
to  sell  in  America,  and  then  makes  a  translation  of 
it,  —  very  probably  an  inaccurate  one.  He  makes 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  23 

his  own  selections,  and  his  own  translation,  on  the 
instant,  and  if  he  is  really  familiar  with  the  lan- 
guage, catches  without  fail  the  true  meaning  of  the 
author. 

Our  government,  at  one  time,  fell  into  a  serious 
misunderstanding  with  that  of  France,  because  in  a 
despatch  from  Paris,  in  which  the  word  demande  was 
used,  it  was  translated  by  the  clerks  in  our  State 
department  as  meaning  not  request,  but  demand. 

The  man  who  has  been  taught  to  read  German 
has  a  still  wider  opportunity,  because  it  is  a  language 
less  known  to  Americans  than  the  French;  and  the 
student  of  Italian,  or  Spanish,  or  Dutch,  an  oppor- 
tunity in  that  respect  yet  more  great. 

Every  foreign  nation  can  teach  us  something 
in  the  field  of  politics,  —  something  to  follow,  or 
something  to  avoid.  Nor  is  an  acquaintance  so 
gained  with  the  institutions  of  foreign  lands,  ever 
without  a  certain  enlarging  power  over  the  mind 
of  him  who  acquires  it.  His  theories  are  broadened, 
if  not  corrected.  He  can  measure  better  the  limits 
of  his  own  knowledge,  and  see  better  where  he  needs 
most  to  extend  them.  He  rises  towards  the  level 
of  a  citizen  of  the  world. 

In  these  days  both  of  altruistic  tendency  and  of 
increasing  intercourse  between  nations,  such  train- 


24  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

ing  as  universities  can  give  strengthens  capabilities 
for  statesmanship  as  never  before. 

Prince  Bismarck  once  said  that  a  third  of  the 
students  of  German  universities  broke  down  from 
dissipation,  and  a  third  from  overwork;  but  that 
the  other  third  ruled  Germany. 

As  one  looks  over  the  lists  of  the  Presidents  of 
the  United  States,  the  Cabinet  officers,  the  rolls 
of  Congress  and  the  rosters  of  our  State  government, 
he  is  soon  satisfied  that  the  graduates  of  our  Ameri- 
can colleges  and  universities  rule  America,  and 
that  it  takes  more  than  a  third  of  them  to  do  it. 

In  other  lands  there  are  ruling  classes,  by  law,  or 
custom,  or  social  causes  lying  deeper  down.  Here 
the  only  ruling  class  is  that  of  educated  men.  They 
rule  by  their  merits.  The  people  know  that  out  of 
them  those  to  fill  high  places  must  generally  be 
selected,  and  know,  also,  that  there  is  a  solid  reason 
for  it. 

The  educated  man  begins  his  active  life  in  the 
world  as  a  capitalist,  and  a  capitalist  that  can  never 
be  bankrupt.  Capital,  existing  in  any  honest  form, 
brings  respect.  It  also  brings  responsibility.  The 
capitalist  is  bound  to  use  his  capital. 

Every  man,  to  be  sure,  is  under  a  similar  responsi- 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  25 

bility  in  kind.  Every  man's  powers,  native  or  ac- 
quired, are  his  capital  and  part  of  the  capital  of 
the  whole  community.  But  to  most  men  this 
capital  is  negligible  in  quantity,  as  compared  with 
that  which  a  liberal  education  gives.  The  possessor 
of  that,  above  all  others,  is  under  bonds  to  serve  the 
public  to  the  measure  of  his  opportunity,  and  to 
put  his  whole  strength  into  whatever  he  may  under- 
take. If  he  withholds  any  part  of  it,  he  wastes  what 
is  a  substantial  part  of  the  capital  of  the  world. 

If  he  withholds  none,  he  will  not  be  without  his 
reward^  The  sweetest  thing  in  life,  outside  of  the 
gifts  of  home,  is  to  have  power  and  to  feel  that  you 
are  exercising  it  well. 

Burke  said  that  political  society  was  a  partner- 
ship of  the  living  and  the  dead.  The  living  are 
mainly  engaged  in  administering  an  established 
business.  It  is  established  on  the  contributions  of 
the  silent  partner,  —  a  partner  eternally  silent,  — 
the  dead.  The  active  partners  will  succeed  or  fail 
according  as  they  hold  to  what  is  good  in  the  es- 
tablishment, as  they  received  it,  and  get  rid  of  what 
is  outworn  and  antiquated.  They  must  be  able  to 
distinguish  between  the  profitable  and  the  un- 
profitable. They  must  know  how  to  make  up  the 
cost-sheets. 


26  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

Only  the  educated  man  can  render  to  the  public 
the  best  service  in  these  respects.  Only  he  who 
knows  the  causes  of  things  can  speak  without  fear 
and  without  favor. 

"Felix  qui  potuit  rerum  cognoscere  causas, 
Atque  metus  omnes  el  inexorabile  fatum 
Subjecit  pedibus  strepitumque  Acherontis  avari" 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  27 

II 
SHAPING  EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP 

DR.  THOMAS  ARNOLD,  in  one  of  his  essays,1  writ- 
ten in  view  of  the  passage  of  the  Parliamentary 
Reform  bill  of  1832,  discusses  with  his  accustomed 
force  the  shaping  of  education  to  citizenship.  Every 
man,  he  said,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  has 
two  businesses.  One  is  his  own  particular  calling, 
to  which  he  looks  for  a  livelihood.  The  other  is  his 
general  calling,  which  he  has  in  common  with  the 
rest  of  the  people,  namely,  the  calling  of  a  citizen 
and  a  man. 

Everybody  admits  that  he  must  receive  a  special 
education  for  his  special  calling.  Why  is  it  not 
equally  necessary  that  he  should  receive  one  for  his 
general  calling?  It  is  not  generally  deemed  equally 
necessary,  because  the  consequences  of  not  receiv- 
ing it  are  less  obvious  and  direct.  A  tailor  who  has 
not  been  taught  to  make  a  coat  decently  will  get 
few  coats  to  make.  He  is  written  down  a  failure, 
from  the  start.  But  a  man  may  be  very  poorly 

1  Miscellaneous  Works,  The  Education  of  the  Middle 
Classes,  375. 


28  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

fitted  for  the  duties  of  a  citizen,  and  yet  perform 
them  after  a  fashion,  in  such  wise  that  nobody  will 
think  much  the  worse  of  him  for  his  deficiences,  and 
few  will  perceive  them  at  all. 

V"  On  the  other  hand,  a  good  education  for  citizen- 
ship is  more  important  to  a  country,  such  as  ours, 
where  the  choice  of  rulers  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
people  than  a  good  education  of  certain  of  its 
people  for  certain  particular  callings.  It  can  flourish 
without  good  artificers.  It  can  buy  mechanical 
productions  from  foreigners.  But  it  cannot  flourish 
unless  it  is  fairly  well  ruled,  and  it  cannot  be  ruled 
fairly  well  save  by  those  who  are  chosen  for  their 
offices  with  some  kind  of  discrimination,  and  guided 
in  their  administration  by  a  sound  public  opinion. 
Citizenship  in  a  republic,  by  its  very  nature,  carries 
with  it  a  peculiar  duty  and  power. 

The  education  of  a  king  is  planned  with  the  main 
purpose  of  fitting  him  to  govern  well.  It  is  too  much 
to  ask  that  the  education  of  every  citizen  of  a  repub- 
lic shall  be  planned  with  the  main  purpose  of  fitting 
him  to  govern  well;  but  it  is  sadly  defective  if  it 
is  not  planned  with  some  reference  to  just  that 
thing.  He  is  a  sharer  in  the  power  of  sovereignty. 
His  vote  is  as  powerful  as  any  other  man's.  His 
education  has  been,  so  far  forth,  a  failure,  if  it  has 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  29 

not  taught  him  the  principles  on  which  he  should 
exercise  this  sovereign  will,  and  the  directions  in 
which  it  should  be  exerted.  While  only  one  of  many 
kings,  he  must  be  brought  to  feel  that,  in  a  sense, 
his  fellow  citizens  are  his  people. 

Each  of  us  also  is  a  citizen  of  the  world,  and  each  i 
educated  man,  of  necessity,  contributes  to  the  formar  I 
tion  of  that  public  opinion  which  is  coming  so  largely 
to  regulate  the  character  of  international  relations.] 

The  old-fashioned  college  education,  before  the 
system  of  elective  studies  received  any  great  ex- 
tension, was  distinctly  a  training  for  the  general 
calling  of  a  man  and  a  citizen.  With  the  universal 
contraction  of  that  system  during  the  last  few  years, 
it  is  regaining  the  same  character.  But  no  incon- 
siderable part  of  the  political  vagaries  of  the  past 
forty  years  may  be  traced  to  a  one-sided  education 
in  special  topics  of  political  economy,  sociology,  or 
governmental  administration. 

The  college  graduate  of  a  hundred  years  ago,  and 
of  fifty  years  ago,  had  been  compelled  to  scatter 
his  attack  upon  the  citadel  of  learning,  rather  than 
to  concentrate  it.  He  scrutinized  its  walls  from  all 
sides.  He  was  taught  to  take  rapid  and  large  views 
of  large  subjects;  to  get  general  impressions;  to 
have  a  little  knowledge  of  many  things. 


30  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

The  college  graduate  of  the  last  generation  chose 
what  studies  he  liked  best,  or  thought  would  serve 
him  best.  In  those  he  may  have  acquired  great 
proficiency;  —  in  those  and  perhaps  in  nothing 
else.  I  have  heard  of  a  doctor  of  philosophy,  who 
not  many  years  ago  was  graduated  from  one  of  our 
leading  universities,  after  presenting  a  thesis  con- 
sidered of  great  merit,  on  some  minute  subject  of 
investigation.  In  a  casual  conversation  with  him, 
soon  afterwards,  he  was  asked  his  opinion  of  the 
line  of  thought  in  In  Memoriam.  He  had,  it  was 
found,  never  read  the  poem,  nor  ever  heard  of  it. 

Such  specialization  brings  danger  to  the  State. 
The  men  who  have  been  its  subjects  have  looked 
so  long  on  narrow  lines  that  they  can  only  see  straight 
in  front  of  them.  They  must  get  breadth  of  vision 
before  the  people  can  take  them  as  safe  counselors. 
Our  educators  have  now  found  this  out.  They  have 
changed  their  methods.  They  have  come  to  group 
elective  studies,  in  such  a  way  as  to  substitute 
their  own  judgment  to  a  large  degree  for  that  of 
the  Freshman  or  Sophomore. 

If  the  student  is  allowed  to  specialize  in  the  field 
of  politics  and  constitutional  government  at  too 
early  a  stage  in  his  college  career,  he  starts  on  his 
life  voyage  with  an  ill-loaded  ship.  It  is  out  of 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  31 

balance.  He  exaggerates  the  importance  of  the 
particular  branch,  to  which  he  has  dedicated  his 
main  efforts.  This  may  be  pardoned  in  one  who  is 
taking  a  graduate  course.  It  may  almost  be  en- 
couraged, for  only  a  certain  enthusiasm  and  devo- 
tion, bred  of  deep  conviction  that  his  work  is 
important  to  others  than  himself,  will  make  a  thesis, 
written  as  the  condition  of  a  doctorate  in  any  faculty, 
quite  worth  its  cost.  But  the  Freshman  occupies 
no  such  position.  He  is  recording  no  self -achieve- 
ment. He  has  discovered  no  new  theory.  He  has 
found  no  new  point  of  view.  He  has  rescued  no 
half-lost  scrap  of  the  learning  of  antiquity. 

The  first  two  years  of  a  college  course,  it  seems  to 
me,  should  be  largely  given  to  enforced  study  in 
those  fields   of  general   information  in  which   all 
educated  men  ought  to  feel  somewhat  at  home. 
They  will  be  precisely  those  fields  which  tend  to 
produce  good  stuff  for  public  service.     Probably 
some  of  these  studies  will  be  distasteful  to  many.! 
The  pursuit  of  none  will  be  thoroughly  agreeable    / 
to  all.    But  the  mental  d&**pfine  which  comes  from./jK  J 
studying  what  one  does  not  like,  —  what  one  finds  ff 
hard  and  repulsive,  —  is  of  the  highest  value.    James 
Martineau,  in  his  old  age,  remarked  that  the  college 
study  which  had  done  him  the  greatest  good  was 


32  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

I  the  higher  mathematics,  and  that  he  chose  it  be- 
^  cause  he  hated  it. 

Every  student  is  not  a  Martineau.  The  tempta- 
tion is  strong,  wherever  choice  is  free,  to  take  the 
easiest  work:  The  re-action  from  the  elective  sys- 
tem of  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  century  has 
already  proved  itself  justified  by  its  results.  Its 
best  characteristic  is  that,  on  the  one  hand,  it  has 
not  been  too  violent  and,  on  the  other,  that  it  has 
not  been  limited  by  any  blind  adhesion  to  standards 
of  antiquity.  They  are  not  to  be  looked  at  as  in- 
violable, though  one  must  feel  his  way,  and  move 
slowly,  in  planning  any  changes  in  methods  of 
university  instruction.  He  must  take  short  views, 
and  pay  constant  regard  to  present  conditions,  not 
forgetting  that  one  retains  only  that  which  he  can 
assimilate. 

As  times  change,  colleges  must,  to  some  extent, 
change  with  them.  The  relative  values  of  different 
studies  will  inevitably  vary.  No  age  can  justly 
assume  the  right  to  prescribe  what  shall  be  the 
subjects  of  public  instruction  hi  the  next.  The 
end  and  objects  of  education  can  be  approached 
through  widely  different  curriculums. 

It  was  not  until  the  sixteenth  century *  that 
1  In  1502,  at  Wittenberg. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  33 

Latin,  Greek,  and  Hebrew  were  taught  in  any  Euro- 
pean university  and,  one  after  the  other,  ever  since 
the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth,  they  have  been 
giving  place,  as  studies  necessary  to  a  proper  train- 
ing for  life,  to  others  belonging  more  closely  to  the 
modern  world.  Among  these,  such  as  pertain  to 
the  organization  of  human  society,  have  steadily 
grown  hi  favor.  With  every  extension  of  the  right 
of  political  self-government  comes  a  new  call  for 
instruction  in  the  art  of  self-government,  —  a  call 
never  so  imperative  as  since  the  widely-spreading 
use  of  the  direct  primary,  the  initiative,  the  refer- 
endum, and  the  recall.  The  university  exists  largely/] 
for  social  culture,  and  "social  culture  is  the  training 
of  the  individual  for  social  institutions." 

All  institutions  have  a  political  bearing.  Their 
influences  for  the  good  of  the  people  will  be  constantly 
challenged  by  some.  They  often  become  the  subject 
of  party  discussion,  and  this  in  turn,  will  call  for 
the  consideration  of  the  class-room  in  the  university. 

The  teaching  on  public  questions  ought  to  be 
positive.  The  student  ought  to  know  on  what  side 
his  instructor  is  ranked.  Then  he  can  guard  him- 
self the  better,  from  being  carried  away,  and  weigh 
the  doctrines  set  before  him  with  more  precision. 
Of  course,  the  instructor  will  refer  to  the  main 


34  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

authorities,  leading  to  opposite  conclusions.  But 
he  will  lose  in  power,  if  he  does  not  dogmatically 
assert  his  own  belief  and  urge  it  as  the  true  one. 

Certain  things  have  been  reasoned  out  by  former 
generations  to  the  end.  They  are  settled.  The 
process  of  attainment  is  now  of  slight  importance, 
in  view  of  the  result.  Certainty  has  been  reached. 
The  early  years  of  College  must  be  largely  given  to 
imparting  these  certainties.  The  student's  time  is 
too  valuable  to  allow  us  to  encourage  him  to  work 
out  the  problems  anew.  A  solid  stepping  stone  has 
been  created.  It  is  for  him  to  use  it  as  such,  without 
first  stopping  to  ask  where  it  was  brought  from,  or 
how  it  became  so  firmly  imbedded  in  the  soil.  He 
is  being  trained  to  use  facts.  He  must  first  know 
facts;  and  the  facts  are,  in  the  beginning  of  a  liberal 
education,  more  important  than  the  process  by 
which  they  were  ascertained. 

In  Rousseau's  Emile,  he  is  insistent  on  the  prime 
necessity  of  laying  down  rules  of  conduct  for  chil- 
dren, without  giving  them  a  reason  for  any  of  them. 
Let  them  learn  the  rule  and  the  unpleasant  con- 
sequences of  breaking  it,  first.  Explanations  of 
grounds,  on  which  it  has  been  adopted,  may  better 
be  left  to  future  years.  He  would  have  had  little 
patience  with  a  modern  school  of  pedagogy  which 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  35 

would  spend  itself  in  teaching  the  child  to  reason 
out  for  itself  the  propriety  of  each  step,  the  merits 
of  each  rule.  There  is  a  story,  which  ought  to  be 
true  if  it  is  not,  of  a  little  girl  so  trained,  who  was 
asked  how  much  seven  times  six  made.  "0,  dear," 
was  the  reply,  "I  worked  over  that  a  week,  last 
Winter.  I  made  up  my  mind  it  must  be  either  40 
or  42.  I've  forgotten  which,  now,  and  I  don't  care, 
for  our  class  has  got  through  multiplication." 

I  believe  in  teaching  the  ordinary  child  the 
multiplication  table,  before  teaching  him  the  reasons 
for  the  statements  which  it  makes.  I  believe  in 
teaching  the  student  of  language,  in  school  and 
college,  to  learn  by  heart  the  conjugations  and  de- 
clensions as  so  many  ultimate  facts,  and  let  com- 
parative philology  come  later,  if  it  come  at  all. 
I  believe  that  there  are  facts  dominating  the  treat- 
ment of  questions  of  public  right  and  individual 
duty  to  the  State,  which  in  school,  and  in  early 
College  days  should  be  stated  and  dwelt  on  as  finali- 
ties, with  more  reference  to  what  they  are,  than  to  ' 
how  or  when  men  found  them  out. 

The  work  of  the  first  two  years  of  College,  in  '] 
the  direction  of  civics,  has  for  its  legitimate  end,  not  / 
to  make  great  statesmen,  but  to  make  good  citizens.  • 
This  is  necessarily  fostered,  in  some  degree,  by  college  ( 


36  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

life.    Submission  to  a  collegiate  discipline  prescribed 
by  a  superior  authority  is  an  excellent  preparation 
for  that  submission  to  a  broader  discipline  which 
characterizes  life  under  a  system  of  liberty  regulated 
,by  law.    Obedience  to  authority  is  taught  best,  no 
doubt,  in  military  institutions.    It  is  the  redeeming 
feature  of  the  great  military  establishments  of  Con- 
tinental Europe.    But  it  may  be  learned  sufficiently 
I  by  every  college  student  to  seem  to  him  a  natural 
i  guide  in  the  future  discharge  of  civic  duty, 
fs     Respect  for  those  in  authority,  and  for  the  law 
*  whose  ministers  they  are,  cannot  be  taught  too  fully 
i  to  the  young.    Civics  as  a  subject  of  study,  may  be, 
and  often  is.    In  giving  instruction  in  that,  there  is 
a  constant  temptation  to  go  too  far.    The  field  is 
familiar  to  the  instructor  by  force  of  what  he  has 
picked  up  from  his  own  experience  and  observation. 
There  are  probably  some  things  in  it  which  have 
struck  him  as  of  particular  importance.  He  naturally 
wishes  to  explain  these  to  his  pupils.    It  is  a  pleasure 
to  him  to  do  this.    Every  teacher,  who  is  worthy 
of  his  calling,  enjoys  sharing  with  his  more  advanced 
classes  whatever  is  connected  with  the  topic  under 
consideration  which,  at  the  time,  especially  interests 
him.     He  is  thus  hi  danger  of  hurrying  them  on 
beyond  their  strength,  and  of  giving  them  more 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  37 

than  they  can  profitably  receive.  There  is  a  rule 
of  "  accommodation "  under  which  every  true 
teacher  works,  whether  he  has  ever  heard  of  such  a 
rule,  or  not.  It  is  what  forces  him  to  present  the 
subject  which  he  has  in  hand  so  that  it  can  be  ap- 
prehended and  accepted  by  those  who  know  less 
about  it  than  he,  and  who  would  certainly  fail  to 
comprehend  it  in  its  true  meaning  and  relations  if 
he  gave  it  to  them  in  all  its  fulness,  as  it  appeared 
to  him. 

But  there  are  principles  of  our  political  system 
which  a  child  can  fully  master,  and  historical  facts 
underlying  it,  which  he  can  be  made  to  remember 
and  to  reason  from. 

The  public  schools  cannot  begin  too  early  to  call**" 
the  attention  of  the  children  to  some  of  the  political 
characteristics  of  the  land  they  live  hi.  It  is  easy 
to  teach  them  that  there  are  no  kings  on  the  Ameri- 
can continent.  It  is  easy  to  teach  them  to  respect 
the  flag  of  the  United  States.  The  youngest  in  the 
school  room  can  join  in  singing  "  America,"  and  he 
will  soon  want  to  know  who  the  pilgrims  were. 

By  the  time  the  child  is  twelve  or  thirteen  he  can 
appreciate  a  good  deal  that  distinguishes  his  country 
from  others  in  its  institutional  aspect.  He  can 
appreciate  more,  of  its  simpler  characteristics, 


38  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

than  is  generally  told  him  by  his  teachers.  In  fact, 
the  weak  point  in  our  American  system  of  education 
seems  to  me  to  be  in  giving,  in  the  earlier  school 
years,  too  little  information  about  necessary  things, 
and  perhaps,  hi  the  later  school  years,  too  much 
information  about  unnecessary  things. 

By  the  time  that  the  preparatory  school  is  reached, 
civics  can  be  taught  scientifically,  but  never  fully. 
Scientific  methods  require  that  the  classes,  even  in 
the  highest  forms,  should  be  made  to  understand 
that  any  such  instruction  can,  at  best,  be  only 
elementary  and  partial.  A  serious  danger  lies  in  the 
very  excellence  of  our  system  of  public  education. 
It  may  lead  those  trained  under  it  to  think  their 
knowledge  greater  than  it  is.  What  they  have  too 
often  learned  is,  in  the  words  of  Mr.  Bryce,  "suffi- 
cient to  enable  them  to  think  they  know  something 
about  the  great  problems  of  politics,  and  insufficient 
to  show  them  how  little  they  know."  But  no  boy 
of  sixteen  need  leave  the  academy  or  high  school 
without  some  clear  notions  of  what  free  government 
means;  of  the  outline  history  of  his  own  State; 
and  of  the  fact  that,  as  fully  as  the  United  States 
are  sovereign  within  their  sphere,  is  each  State 
sovereign  within  its  sphere. 

From  twelve  to  twenty,  no  year  of  a  boy's  life, 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  39 

while  under  instruction  in  school  or  college,  ought 
to  pass,  without  some  distinct  endeavor  on  the  part 
of  his  instructors  to  prepare  him  for  the  public  duties, 
which  he  is  soon  to  take  upon  himself.  Where 
children  are  of  foreign  parentage  this  is  doubly  true; 
but  every  American  also,  born  of  native  stock,  ought 
to  be  taught  and  re-taught  something  of  the  strong 
and  of  the  weak  points  of  our  political  system,  and 
how  the  weak,  though  they  exist,  are  over  balanced 
by  the  strong. 

Let  them  be  led  to  admire  their  country,  and  look 
up  with  reverence  and  affection  to  her  great  men  of 
former  generations.  Hero-worship  is  a  natural 
tendency  in  student  years.  It  gives  history  its  light 
and  patriotism  its  inspiration.  Americans  are 
fortunate  in  having  had  men  like  Washington  and 
Jefferson;  Nathan  Hale  and  Abraham  Lincoln. 
To  every  school-boy  they  ought  to  be  familiar  char- 
acters. In  admiring  the  great  men  of  his  country's 
history,  he  enters  a  path  that  naturally  leads  to 
admiration  of  the  form  of  government  which  so 
many  of  them  helped  to  frame  or  to  develop.  Let 
him  be  helped  to  see  what  its  essential  and  char- 
acteristic features  are. 

There  are  certain  absolute  notions  of  the  nature  of 
law  which  serve  as  a  basis  for  the  institutions  of 


40  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

every  nation.  No  man's  life  in  that  nation  can  be 
well-ordered,  if  he  does  not  know  what  those  notions 
are,  and  does  not  look  to  them  (even  if  desirous  to 
replace  them  by  something  better)  in  a  sympathetic 
spirit.  The  education  which  does  not  make  clear 
what  are  the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the 
form  of  civil  government  under  which  those  who  are 
the  subjects  of  that  education  are  to  enter  on  the 
duties  of  citizenship,  is  radically  defective. 

No  foreigner  can  become  one  of  us  unless  he  con-* 
vinces  the  court  of  naturalization  that  he  is  attached 
to  "the  principles"  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States.  He  must  know  what  they  are,  be- 
fore he  can  feel  such  an  attachment.  Much  more 
must  the  native  citizen  have  that  knowledge.  It 
requires  no  long  courses  in  Constitutional  law  or 
American  history.  A  hundred  words  will  tell  the 
story.  ^ 

/    It  is  enough  if  the  student  is  made  to  understand 

(that   American   institutions   rest   upon   individual 

•  responsibility,  without  respect  of  persons;  obedience 

I  to  law;   religious  liberty;  free  schools;   security  to 

;  person  and  property  from  all  unjust  attack;    no 

privileged  orders;   such  equality  of  opportunity  as 

laws  can  properly  assure;   home  rule  through  the 

several  States  in  most  things;    a  strong  national 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  41 

government  as  to  a  few  things;  short  written  Con- 
stitutions, republican  in  form,  distinguishing  these 
things  hi  outline;  a  power  hi  the  judiciary  to  dis- 
tinguish them  in  detail;  a  general,  but  not  rigid, 
division  of  the  powers  of  government,  whether 
State  or  national,  between  three  departments,  ex- 
ecutive, judicial,  and  legislative,  the  latter  to  be 
commonly  administered  by  a  legislative  assembly; 
and  an  indestructible  union  of  indestructible  States. 

Something  like  this  may  be  his  "shorter  cate- 
chism." I  speak  of  course  only  of  what  it  is 
necessary  to  learn  in  order  to  comprehend  the 
ground-work  of  American  government. 

But  there  is  a  ground  below  every  ground-work. 
The  ground  of  hope  for  the  permanence  and  vitality 
of  our  political  institutions  is  the  honest  purpose, 
the  manly  character,  and  law-abiding  habit  of  mind 
of  the  American  people.  .  _ 

There  is  a  sentimental  quality  that  attaches  to  the 
best  methods  of  instruction.  No  education  gives  a 
proper  preparation  for  citizenship^  which  does  not 
strike  the  inner  chords  of  the  student's  nature. 
The  heart  directs  the  mind.  At  least  it  chooses  for 
the  mind.  It  acts  more  quickly. 

The  moral  feelings  of  a  people  are  their  main 
safeguard.  The  moral  quality  of  their  leaders  is 


42  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

more  important  than  their  mental  power.  A  good 
character,  no  doubt,  is  largely  the  subject  of  in- 
heritance and  early  environment.  School,  to  an 
American,  forms  a  large  part  of  that  environment. 
J  If  it  is  made  to  teach,  and  if  our  Colleges  are  made 
to  teach,  directly  or  indirectly,  the  good  of  reverence, 
of  honor,  of  loyalty,  of  truth,  of  social  courtesy,  the 
foundations  of  civic  duty  will  be  well  laid. 

Too  much  care  cannot  be  taken  in  selecting  teach- 
ers, at  every  stage  of  education,  to  pick  out  those, 
so  far  as  possible  (and  it  is  possible  oftener  than  is 
? sometimes  thought),  whom  their  students  can  admire 
for  deeper  qualities  than  those  of  scholarship.  A 
Freshman  at  one  of  our  leading  colleges  was  asked, 
some  years  ago,  how  he  liked  a  certain  member  of 
Faculty.  "  He  has  no  heart/'  was  the  reply.  I  dare 
say  that  it  may  have  been  simply  the  case  of  one 
who  did  not  "wear  his  heart  upon  his  sleeve"; 
but  to  give  such  an  impression  to  any  one  is  a  grave 
misfortune. 

It  has  been  said  that  what  a  boy  loves,  when  he 
leaves  school,  is  worth  more  to  him,  and  to  the 
nation,  than  what  he  knows.  This  is  quite  as  true 
of  the  College  graduate.  Indeed  what  we,  any  of 
us,  know  is  only  important  to  teach  us  what  —  of 
the  ideal  —  to  love  and  what  to  abhor.  No  word 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  43 

of  regard  for  a  teacher  from  a  former  pupil  is  so 
rejgardful  as  that  which  tells  of  impressions  for  good 
made  on  the  man's  general  character. 

A  statistician  of  authority  has  ascertained  that 
there  are  two  States  which  lead  and  have  long  led 
all  others,  relatively  to  their  population,  in  respect 
to  the  number  of  their  citizens  to  whom  distinction 
for  their  merits  is  accorded  by  common  consent. 
They  are  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut.  It  can 
hardly  be  doubted  that  the  cause  is  the  possession 
by  each  of  an  ancient  university,  where  for  centuries 
her  sons  have  been  trained  in  the  acceptance  of  high 
standards  of  learning  and  high  standards  of  morals. 

I  would  place  these  two  kinds  of  standards  side 
by  side.  If  they  are  not  of  equal  importance  in  the 
making  of  a  man,  it  is  because,  of  the  two,  in  the 
planning  of  a  university,  guidance  in  morals  should 
be  made  the  highest  aim.  Nor,  probably,  can  morals 
be  best  taught  except  by  the  light  of  religion  and 
the  study  of  the  principles  of  Christianity.  Here 
the  university  resting  on  foundations  of  endowment, 
like  Yale  or  Harvard,  offers  better  opportunities 
than  do  those  supported  by  State  appropriations. 
The  limits  of  our  constitutional  prohibitions  re- 
specting religious  freedom  are  somewhat  vague,  and 
there  is  a  "twilight  zone"  into  which  it  is  dangerous 


44  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

for  those  to  venture  whose  positions  may  depend 
upon  the  favor  of  each  new  legislature.  No  such 
zone  embarrasses  those  who  act  under  private  char- 
ters. Nor  do  universities  accepting  the  benefit  of 
the  Carnegie  Foundation,  in  disclaiming  a  sectarian 
character,  surrender  the  power  to  teach  religion. 

I  would  not  be  understood  to  deem  religious  faith 
or  professions  essential  to  the  highest  morality. 
For  most  men  it  finds  support  in  these,  but  it  may 
have  a  life  of  its  own,  that  is  totally  independent  of 
their  aid. 

A  university  succeeds  ill  if  it  does  not  make  plain 
that  on  one  ground  every  honest  seeker  after  ulti- 
mate truth  can  find  room  to  stand,  —  the  ground 
of  ethics.  The  ethics  of  one  age,  one  country,  may 
not  be  those  of  the  next;  but  in  each  and  for  each 
there  will  be  some  standard  of  conduct  which  it  is 
happiness  and  glory  to  attain.  The  scholar  may 
accept  materialism  as  his  philosophy  of  life.  He 
may  believe  that  death  ends  all,  so  far  as  continuity 
of  individual  existence  goes.  He  may  find  no  sufn-' 
cient  evidence  to  convince  him  that  there  is  a  God. 
But  he  will  never  deny  that,  if  it  be  necessary  to 
establish  a  utilitarian  basis  of  ethics,  connected  in 
some  fashion  with  the  enduring  good  of  the  individual 
man,  such  a  basis  exists  in  the  satisfaction  of  every 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  45 

man,  while  living  on  earth,  who  has  the  mens  sibi 
conscia  recti,  and  in  the  not  unwarranted  hope  of 
some  men  that  they  will  be  remembered  on  earth 
after  they  have  left  it,  with  affection,  admiration, 
and  reverence. 

Whatever  be  our  theories  of  the  Future,  it  is 
something  worth  achieving  if,  when  we  leave  the 
Present,  there  are  those  who  will  thus  hold  us  in 
living  memory  or  fond  respect.  The  loving  recol- 
lection of  a  dead  mother,  the  fond  respect  of  his 
country  for  a  Washington,  —  what  uncounted  im- 
pulses to  good  flow  out  from  sentiments  like  these, 
the  educated  man  will  see:  no  other  can. 

The  university  offers  to  impart  knowledge,  and  • 
cultivate  the  power  of  reasoning,   but  the  great 
office  of  knowledge  and  reasoning  is  to  be  a  means  of  j 
reaching  something  higher  —  the  plane  of  a  purej 
and  lofty  and  well-ordered  life.     That  this  is  the 
end,  it  may  fairly  be  expected  that  every  teacher 
will  assume.    Whatever  may  be  his  views  of  religion, 
he  must  agree  that  all  education  is  directed  ulti- 
mately, as  Mill  has  said,  to  making  each  of  us 
practically  useful  to  our  fellow  creatures  and  elevat- 
ing the  character  of  the  race.    A  by-product  may  V 
be  facility  in  perfecting  material  things.    The  real 
object  is  to  perfect  Man. 


46  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

PI  Sir  Richard  Jebb  has  said  that  " education  con- 
sists in  organizing  the  resources  of  the  human  being." 
The  resources  are  there.  What  is  needed  is  to 
organize  them  so  as  to  secure  the  highest  power  for 
the  highest  service.  They  must  be  organized  so  that 
they  may  respond  to  sudden  calls.  Nowhere  is  this 
ability  to  act  both  promptly  and  wisely  in  an  emer- 
gency more  wanted  than  by  men  in  public  life.  !They 
will  find  help,  for  one  thing  in  a  cultivated  imagina- 
tion. He  who  can  best  anticipate  possible  con- 
junctures will  be  best  able  to  meet  them  if  they 
occur.  The  educated  man  goes  armed  with  general 
conceptions,  and  is  thus  equipped  to  encounter 
any  particular  difficulties. 

But  emergencies  seldom  occur.  What  is  of  most 
importance  to  him  is  to  have  a  keen  sense  of  the 
everlasting,  heaven-high  distinction  between  right 
and  wrong,  —  a  distinction  never  more  vital  than 
now.  In  all  instruction  in  ethics,  it  cannot  be 
too  strongly  impressed  upon  the  student  that  it 
forms,  of  necessity,  in  our  times,  part  *of  the  foun- 
dation of  any  sound  political  government.  It  cre- 
ates forces  that  act  and  re-act,  with  unerring 
accuracy.  Aristotle  treats  of  ethics  first  and  poli- 
tics second,  because,  he  says,  the  good  life  can 
only  be  fully  attained  by  the  citizen  of  a  good 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  47 

State.    Only  he  will  live  in  an  atmosphere  that 
naturally  inspires  it. 

Altruism  is  a  high  form  of  political  duty.  It  is 
fosliefect  by  familiarity  with  those  principles  of 
civil  government  which  we  call  the  "Ideas  of 
1789,"  and  upon  which  our  American  Constitutions 
are  built  up.  First  among  these  is  the  maintenance, 
so  far  as  may  be,  of  equality  of  opportunity.  The 
main  office  of  the  American  State  is  to  give  to  each  ' 
of  its  citizens  a  fair  chance  to  make  the  most  of  him- 
self. Hence  we  are  each  willing  to  sacrifice  some- 
thing of  our  liberty  and  property.  It  makes  what 
we  retain  more  secure.  The  strong  thus  serve  the 
weak;  and  the  rich  the  poor. 

Modern  government  all  over  the  world  occupies 
or  steadily  approaches  this  position.  If  we  trace 
back  its  history,  we  shall  find  that  it  arose  out  of 
some  pre-existing  form  of  society  which  rested  on 
a  very  different  ground,  and  made  its  object  prac- 
tically, if  not  avowedly,  the  aggrandizement  of  a 
particular  individual  or  family,  or  class,  at  the 
expense  of  the  rest  of  the  people. 

This  upward  trend  of  human  government  cannot 
be  too  strongly  pressed  on  the  attention  of  young 
men.  They  must  be  made  to  feel  that,  as  American 
citizens,  they  have  inherited  a  peculiar  obligation 


48  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

to  maintain  and  advance  this  principle  of  equality 
before  the  law.  They  must  be  taught  that  it  by  no 
means  involves  the  acceptance  of  what,  under  the 
name  of  Socialism,  is  becoming  steadily  and  every- 
where a  larger  and  larger  figure  in  national  and  in 
local  politics.  The  strength  of  Socialism  is  largely 
due  to  a  certain  cloudiness  of  doctrine  with  which 
its  supporters  surround  it;  and  to  its  remoteness 
from  the  life  of  the  day.  The  clearer  the  light  that 
can  be  thrown  upon  it,  the  better  the  chance  of 
making  its  real  nature  plain.  He  can  best  conceive 
what  it  would  prove  in  practice,  and  look  ahead  to 
the  best  purpose,  whose  training  has  made  him 
look  back  far  enough  to  comprehend  the  necessary 
relations  of  the  future  to  the  past. 

No  one  deserves  the  name  of  an  educated  man  who 
has  not  been  thus  prepared  to  deal  intelligently 
with  the  different  theories  of  State  Socialism. 
Here  his  knowledge  of  history  will  serve  him  in 
good  stead.  He  will  know  the  difference  between 
Communism  and  Socialism;  between  Socialism  and 
Syndicalism,  which  is  its  travesty;  and  he  will 
know  how  to  explain  it  to  others  so  that  they  will 
understand  it.  He  will  be  able  to  refer  to  instances 
in  which  the  fundamental  principles  of  each  system 
have  been  put  to  the  test  of  practice,  and  have 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  49 

4 

failed    to   sustain   it.      "  Knowledges,"   says   Lord 

Bacon,  "are  as  pyramids,  whereof  history  is  the 
basis." 

No  university,  in  the  world  of  our  day,  can  prop- 
erly omit  thorough  instruction  in  civics  and  the  art 
of  government.  But  this  is  especially  true  of  the 
American  universities  founded  and  supported  by  the 
State.  Their  rapid  increase  in  numbers,  both  of 
students  and  faculty,  cannot  but  call  attention  to 
their  especial  and  paramount  duty  to  give  in  this 
way  a  proper  preparation  for  public  service.  To 
them  the  State  gives  all.  From  them  it  may  justly 
demand  all.  It  has  founded  them  as  institutions 
of  good  government.  They  fail  of  their  purpose,  if 
they  do  not  promote  it  by  giving  to  State  and 
country  those  fitted  to  serve  each,  as  occasion 
offers,  and  to  uphold  each  against  all  unmerited 
attack. 

Such  men  are  best  produced  by  those  universities 
which  are  most  thoroughly  permeated  by  a  spirit 
of  sincere  devotion  to  truth,  and  a  high  sense  of 
duty.  The  president  of  one  of  our  colleges,  not 
many  years  ago,  urged,  in  a  Commencement  ad- 
dress, the  cultivation  of  this  spirit.  Truth  was  the 
one  goal  for  every  student  to  aim  at,  always  and 
everywhere.  It  was  to  be  pursued  unfettered  by 


50  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

attachment  to  any  particular  doctrines  or  tenets  of 
the  past.  If  these  were  good,  they  could  not  be 
held  too  fast.  If  they  were  bad,  they  could  not  be 
dropped  too  soon.  He  is  not  now  the  president  of 
that  institution,  though  he  holds  a  much,  higher 
station.  He  said  to  a  friend  that  he  had  not  got 
half  through  this  address,  before  he  saw  from  the 
looks  interchanged  between  the  trustees  and  digni- 
taries who  sat  about  him  upon  the  platform,  that 
his  term  of  office  was  nearly  finished. 

The  university  education  that  is  thus  limited 
at  its  sources,  by  those  who  control  the  sources, 
cannot  rise  higher  than  its  springs.  It  gives  no 
breadth  of  view,  no  real  sense  of  public  duty  or  of 
private  duty;  and  this  is  simply  because  it  is  in  no 
true  sense  education,  but  the  mere  pretence  of  it. 

The  most  thorough  course  of  study,  under  men 
of  the  highest  attainments  and  the  noblest  char- 
acter, may  bear  little  fruit,  or  bad  fruit.  We 
must  not  exaggerate  the  importance  of  what  is 
called  a  liberal  education.  It  puts  in  our  hands  a 
certain  capital  to  trade  on.  But  it  is  not  every  one 
who  can  be  entrusted  with  the  charge  of  capital. 

/Our    best    qualities    and    powers    are    God-given. 

\Education  may  improve,  but  cannot  create  them. 
With  respect  to  public  office,  I  had  rather  have  in  a 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  51 

difficult  but  subordinate  place,  a  man  of  first  rate 
ability,  who  had  educated  himself,  than  a  man  of 
second  rate  ability  who  had  been  educated  by  others. 
It  may  not  be  so  for  the  first  places.  There  the 
sobering  influences  of  historical  knowledge  and 
philosophical  study  have  a  double  worth.  They 
strengthen  the  capacity  of  judging  between  courses 
of  policy,  and  tend  to  guide  towards  the  safer  side. 
They  must  have  convinced  the  man  that  all  great 
governmental  changes  will  take  place  slowly,  if 
the  change  is  to  endure.  They  have  convinced 
him  that  the  presumptions  are  against  a  change, 
from  what  has  been  tried  and  found  fairly  good,  to 
that  which  has  been  untried.  The  man  also  is 
magnified  by  his  office.  He  feels  that  he  stands  for 
and  acts  for  the  whole  people.  It  weighs  upon  him, 
and  it  also  inspires  him.  A  second  rate  man  in  the 
highest  station  often  grows  into  another  being.  If 
he  has  had  a  good  education,  and  has  never  shown 
himself  able  to  make  effective  use  of  it,  his  official 
opportunities  may  teach  him  this  last  lesson,  and 
teach  it  well. 

Public  speech  plays  a  large  part  in  public  service. 
It  helps  immensely  to  secure  what  is  good,  and  to 
prevent  what  is  evil.  That  which  we  hear  impresses 
most  of  us  far  more  vividly  than  what  we  read.  It 


52  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

is  also  put  together  in  a  very  different  fashion. 
Rhetoric  has  one  set  of  rules  for  spoken  words  and 
quite  another  for  written  words. 

I  have  already  spoken  of  the  help  which  education 
can  give  towards  acquiring  the  art  of  literary  com- 
position. To  write  well,  whatever  endowments 
nature  may  have  bestowed,  requires  discipline  and 
practice.  But  many  more  can  write  well  than  can 
speak  well.  Nature  makes  the  orator,  and  she 
makes  few.  Facility  of  utterance  on  the  platform 
or  in  a  legislative  body,  to  one  who  has  clear  ideas 
back  of  it  which  he  desires  to  enforce,  is  a  great  gift. 
Education  seldom  creates,  but  can  always  enrich  it. 

Declamation,  both  at  school  and  college,  debate 
in  student  societies  and  class  or  college  meetings, 
tend  directly  to  promote  one's  public  usefulness  in 
later  life.  Participation  in  such  exercises  teaches 
some  that  their  part  is  the  grace  of  silence,  and 
some  that  they  have  a  talent  well  worthy  of  cultiva- 
tion. Let  the  declaimer  and  debater  look  with  con- 
fidence to  their  instructors  for  good  opportunities 
to  improve  their  gifts,  and  kindly  sympathy. 
Whoever  can  talk  well  before  a  large  assembly,  on 
a  subject  which  he  has  studied  to  good  purpose,  will 
always  be  counted  among  the  important  men  in  the 
community  where  he  belongs. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  53 

The  growth  of  our  cities,  the  multiplication  of 
our  village  centers,  the  many  organizations  of  a 
social,  or  economic  character,  which  our  age  has 
developed,  all  tend  to  elevate  the  position  belonging 
to  the  public  speaker.  There  are  more  places  of 
assembly,  and  throughout  our  country  there  will 
seldom  be  found  any  great  gathering  where  a 
serious  word,  well  said,  on  public  questions  of  the 
day,  will  not  be  well  received. 

And  now,  as  I  close,  let  us  ask  where  rests  the 
responsibility  for  marking  out  the  lines  of  American 
education.  Is  it  a  divided  or  a  centralized  responsi- 
bility? Have  we  one  or  many  authorities  to  which 
to  look? 

The  shaping  of  education  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
States,  and  there  it  must  remain.  The  Bureau  of 
Education  at  Washington  may  make  and  often 
does  make  helpful  suggestions,  but  it  can  exercise 
no  control,  nor  can  any  other  officer  or  agency  of 
the  United  States.  The  German  principle  of  trust- 
ing the  several  States  of  the  empire,  not  that 
adopted  by  Japan,  of  leaving  all  to  the  imperial 
government,  is  in  harmony  with  American  insti- 
tutions. We  believe  that  systems  of  education 
must  be  under  home  rule,  and  conform  to  local 
needs  and  capabilities.  They  cannot  be  identical 


54  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

in  Massachusetts  and  Montana;  in  Charleston  and 
in  Chicago. 

The  demands  of  educational  freedom  are  abso- 
lutely opposed  to  Federal  direction  of  school  affairs, 
and  endangered  by  all  grants  of  aid  from  the  Federal 
treasury.  The  agricultural  colleges  of  the  country 
are  now,  to  some  extent,  sources  of  peril  to  the 
autonomy  of  the  States,  in  respect  of  their  internal 
concerns.  They  familiarize  the  minds  of  the  stu- 
dents with  the  idea  of  Federal  dependence,  and 
introduce  an  extraneous  authority  to  determine 
policies  of  instruction  and  research. 

The  education  of  Americans  must  be  American 
in  type.  It  must  impress  upon  all  who  receive  it 
our  combination  of  local  home  rule  in  most  things 
with  supreme  control  at  Washington  over  a  few 
things.  Each  is  equally  necessary  for  the  perpetuity 
of  our  institutions. 

v 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  55 


III 


THE  EDUCATED  MAN  AS  A  VOTER,  AND 
PRIVATE  CITIZEN 

THE  first  duty  of  the  educated  man  as  a  voter 
is  to  vote,  were  it  only  for  the  sake  of  the  example 
to  others.  The  elective  franchise  is  one  which  he 
who  receives  is  bound  to  make  use  of.  It  is  no  mere 
privilege.  Its  exercise  by  the  citizen  of  a  republic 
is,  under  ordinary  circumstances,  almost  his  highest 
obligation.  In  several  of  the  early  American  colo- 
nies, not  to  vote  was  a  penal  offence.  It  is  to-day 
in  Belgium,1  Salvador,2  and  some  of  the  Swiss  can- 
tons,3 and  Austrian  provinces.4  Georgia  put  such 
a  provision  in  her  first  Constitution  (Art.  XII), 
and  it  remained  in  force  from  1777  until  1789. 

A  vote,  however,  cast  from  no  higher  motive  than 
the  desire  to  avoid  a  fine,  will  be  apt  to  be  ill- 
bestowed  and,  in  any  event,  to  be  carelessly  given. 

1  Constitution  of  1893,  Art.  48. 

2  Constitution  of  1886.    The  elective  franchise  is  given  to 
those  who  are  eighteen  years  of  age. 

8  Schaffhausen,  Zurich,  Aargau,  Thurgau,  and  Basel- 
Landschaft. 

4  Silesia,  Moravia,  Upper  Austria,  Lower  Austria,  Salzburg 
and  Carniola. 


56  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

Compulsory  voting  tends  also  to  lessen  the  number 
of  men  who  withhold  their  support  from  an  un- 
worthy nominee  of  their  party.  It  is  far  easier  for 
them  to  keep  away  from  the  polls,  than  to  go  to  them 
and  either  scratch  his  name  or  vote  for  the  opposing 
candidate.  By  all  who  deem  independence  of  party 
dictation  to  be  desirable,  the  absentee,  under  such 
conditions,  should  be  recognized  as  acting  within 
his  right. 

This  is  not  to  say  that  his  course  is  to  be  com- 
mended. Not  to  vote  is  always,  in  a  certain  sense,  a 
violation  of  a  trust.  The  voters  in  any  community 
are,  and  must  be  made  to  look  upon  themselves  as 
being,  trustees  for  the  rest  of  their  fellow  citizens. 
They  are  in  a  minority  always.  Every  electorate 
is  in  theory  an  aristocracy.  It  is  the  expression  of 
a  distrust  in  absolute  democracy. 

Children  are  not  capable  of  governing  their  own 
affairs.  Much  less,  therefore,  can  they  safely  be 
allowed  to  share  in  the  government  of  public  affairs. 
Until  they  reach  the  age  which  by  common  consent 
is  deemed  to  be  that  of  reasonable  intellectual 
maturity,  they  are  clearly  not  the  best  material 
for  a  voting  constituency.  The  best,  if  we  accept 
the  principle  of  universal  suffrage,  is  such  of  the 
rest  as  are  not  properly  excluded  from  the  privilege 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  57 

of  voting  for  their  personal  defaults,  or  —  in  the 
opinion  of  the  community  —  by  sex  or  race. 

^Assuming  the  soundness  of  this  principle,  it  is 
true  nevertheless  that  the  vote  of  each  educated 
man  counts  for  more  than  that  cast  by  any  other 
person}  In  Belgium  theyv  recognize  this  by  giving 
three  votes  to  those  having  a  diploma  from  an 
institution  of  higher  learning,  or  who  have  completed 
a  course  of  secondary  education  of  the  higher  kind, 
or  held  some  position,  public  or  private,  the  occu- 
pants of  which  presumably  possess  at  least  the 
knowledge  given  by  such  a  course.1 

But  everywhere,  under  the  broadest  rule  of  uni- 
versal suffrage,  no  vote  is  intrinsically  so  important 
as  that  of  the  man  of  superior  education.  (  Presuma- 
bly he  knows  better  than  those  who  have  had  less 
instruction  wfra±  policies  deserve  support^  If  he  be 
a  man  of  sense,  all  who  come  within  the  range  of 
his  acquaintance  give  him  credit  for  possessing  such 
knowledge.  They  look  to  him,  consciously  or  un- 
consciously, for  guidance.  His  vote,  in  this  way, 
counts  for  more  than  one. 

He  may  safely  start  from  the  position,  Quieta  non 
moveri.    The  presumption   in  an  American  State 
is  in  favor  of  the  existing  order  of  things.    It  is  a 
1  Constitution  of  1893,  Art.  47. 


58  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

presumption,  however,  which  has  less  weight  than 
it  should  with  the  people  at  large.  The  American 
mind  has  been  formed  in  the  school  of  enterprise  and 
success.  The  United  States,  in  a  little  over  a  hun- 
dred years,  have  passed  from  a  position  of  weakness 
to  a  commanding  place  in  the  circle  of  the  great 
powers.  They  entered  the  nineteenth  century  lack- 
ing in  capital,  with  a  sparse  population,  and  few 
large  business  concerns.  They  entered  the  twen- 
tieth, with  a  population  of  ninety  millions  and  great 
business  interests  spreading  over  the  world.  We 
have  tried  many  experiments  in  legislation,  and 
most  of  them  have  turned  out  well.  Why  not  try 
more?  Progress  is  the  hope  of  the  world.  We  have 
passed  some  laws  that  made  for  progress.  Why 
not,  think  many  of  the  people  and  say  not  a  few  of 
their  leaders,  seek  a  further  advance  in  a  similar 
way?  Here  a  recurrence  to  fundamental  principles 
is  especially  necessary,  and  true  leadership  calls  for 
insistence  on  the  peculiar  virtue  for  us  of  those, 
which  have  been  made  the  foundation  of  American 
government.  That  virtue  is  not  discerned  by  every- 
one; not  easily  discerned  by  anyone.  By  the  edu- 
cated man  it  may  and  should  be. 

He  is  not  necessarily  a  reformer. (Every  political 
party  which  is  worthy  of  long  life  has  a  right  wing 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  59 

of  conservatives,  a  left  wing  of  radicals,  and  be- 
tween them  a  large  body  of  those  who  are  neither 
the  one  nor  the  other^  In  each  of  these  three 
divisions  men  of  education  will  be  found. 

To  ardent  and  hopeful  spirits  the  left  wing  is  the 
most  attractive.  It  is  also  the  most  dangerous, 
because  it  has  the  least  benefit  from  the  teach- 
ings of  experience.  In  advocating  changes  in  laws, 
it  should  be  remembered,  as  Joubert  said,  that 
"Presque  tout  ce  que  nous  appelons  un  abus  fut  un 
remede,  dans  les  institutions  politiques." 

Reform  is  a  good  object  to  aim  at,  if  the  new  form 
proposed  is  really  better,  and  far  better,  than  the 
existing  form.  In  most  cases,  if  it  be  not  far  better 
it  is  not  worth  while  to  press  its  adoption;  and  for 
two  reasons:  first,  because  Reform  is  a  cry  of  en- 
thusiasm, and  we  can  only  be  enthusiastic  in  striv- 
ing to  attain  something  far  higher  than  ourselves, 
—  and  second,  because  we  may  lose  more  than  we 
gain,  if  we  unsettle  existing  foundations  which  are 
fairly  good,  by  calling  attention  to  their  faults,  in 
the  hope  only  of  making  a  slight  improvement. 

The  rank  and  file  of  reformers  are  always  sciolists. 
If  their  leaders  are  properly  educated  and  equipped, 
all  may  go  well.  But  if  the  leaders  are  sciolists  too, 
all  is  lost  from  the  outset. 


60  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

A  man  of  that  description  is  often  the  hardest 
worker.  He  lives  by  faith.  He  is  intoxicated  by 
his  enthusiasms.  He  is  nerved  by  the  fixity  of  his 
convictions.  He  is  incapable  of  seeing  the  objections 
which  stagger  wiser  men.  He  may  thus  do  im- 
measurable harm,  in  securing  what  seems  to  him 
immeasurable  good.  It  is  a  great  misfortune  if  he 
have  the  training  of  an  educated  man,  —  powerful, 
but  incomplete,  —  to  aid  him  in  his  crusade.  Es- 
pecially is  this  so,  if  his  efforts  are  directed  against 
any  vital  part  of  our  constitutional  system.  In 
such  case,  his  every  word  should  be  taken  as  a  call 
for  the  general  forces  of  education  to  rally,  in  op- 
position, for  the  defence  of  American  institutions. 

The  vital  problem  on  which  thinking  men  in 
every  modern  government  are  constantly  at  work 
is  how  to  maintain  individual  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence without  crippling  the  effectiveness  of  the 
great  commercial  organizations  by  which  the  large 
business  of  the  country  is  carried  on.  These  organi- 
zations are  almost  entirely,  and  from  the  first  have 
been,  corporations  created  by  the  State. 

Our  Constitution  contemplates  freedom  to  every 
citizen  or  association  of  citizens  to  enter  into  trade 
between  the  States,  as  well  as  in  the  States.  It  also 
contemplates  the  regulation  of  each  of  these  two 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  61 

kinds  of  trade  by  different  governments,  the  State 
regulating  its  internal  trade  and  the  United  States 
regulating  that  between  the  States.  A  corporation 
is  an  association  of  individuals  under  a  common 
name,  and  generally  they  are  citizens  of  the  United 
States. 

Shall  we  abide  by  this  scheme  which  the  fathers 
of  the  republic  devised?  Can  we  safely  depart 
from  it? 

Every  well-instructed  American  has  read  enough 
of  history  to  know  that  ours  is  the  first  successful 
attempt  to  frame  a  government  with  a  central 
sovereign  power,  supreme  within  a  narrow  sphere, 
and  numerous  smaller  sovereign  powers,  each  su- 
preme within  a  larger  sphere.1  He  of  all  men  ought 
to  feel  that  the  safety  of  American  institutions  lies 
in  maintaining  this  combination  hi  working  order. 
Whatever  party  ties  he  may  acknowledge,  he  is 
untrue  to  his  country  if  he  is  not  outspoken  in  de- 
fence of  this  method  of  distributing  power.  It  is 
indispensable  to  have  a  strong  government  at 

1  Europeans,  and  particularly  the  Germans,  often  deny, 
in  the  face  of  what  we  have  done  in  this  direction,  that  such 
a  combination  can  leave  any  true  sovereignty  in  the  smaller 
power.  An  academic  school  of  American  jurists  sympathizes 
with  their  position;  but  it  finds  no  support  in  the  decisions 
of  our  courts,  and  these  are  our  sailing-chart.  See  Willoughby, 
Principles  of  the  Constitutional  Law  of  the  U.  S.,  6. 


62  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

Washington  to  deal  with  matters  not  open  to  the 
States.  It  is  equally  indispensable  to  preserve 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States  in  matters  that  are, 
under  the  principles  of  the  Constitution,  confided  to 
them. 

Our  American  system  of  higher  education  natu- 
rally tends  to  establish  a  belief  in  the  truth  of  this 
last  proposition.  It  is  a  system  created  and  ad- 
ministered by  the  States,  and  by  each  State  for 
itself.  It  differs  widely  in  the  East  from  what  it  is 
in  the  West.  The  common  schools  all  over  the  coun- 
try are  conducted  on  a  plan  much  the  same;  but 
between  the  State  University  and  the  endowed 
university  there  is  a  great  gulf  fixed.  This  cannot 
but  be  felt  by  their  faculties  and  students,  and  it 
predisposes  them  to  feel  that  here,  at  least,  there 
has  been  found  no  need  of  Federal  control. 

There  is,  however,  a  strong  counter  influence  in 
the  opposite  direction.  American  scholars  look  out 
on  the  world  from  a  height,  —  that  on  which  their 
education  has  placed  them.  They  observe  that  the 
tendencies  of  modern  political  thought  in  most 
countries  are  towards  greater  and  greater  cen- 
tralization of  power  in  the  hands  of  one  man  or  a 
few  men,  subject  to  checks  by  the  people,  either  by 
direct  vote  or  through  their  representatives.  The 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  63 

educated  man  is  especially  liable  to  be  affected  by 
the  currents  of  world-politics.  He  knows  most  about 
them.  He  naturally  wishes  his  own  country  to  be  in 
line  with  the  advance  elsewhere  of  political  thought. 
I  do  not  think  he  always  appreciates  how  the  dif- 
ference in  history  and  conditions  between  the  United 
States  and  Europe  renders  impossible  here,  under 
our  constitutional  system,  much  that  is  possible 
there.  /• 

He  can,  on  the  other  hand,  more  fully  than  most 
others,  appreciate  the  immense  sentimental  strength 
that  has  gathered  about  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  its  influence  in  developing 
the  spirit  of  nationalism,  as  opposed  to  maintaining, 
unabated,  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  The  chief 
magistrate  of  any  political  government,  as  of  any 
ecclesiastical  government,  stands  for  the  govern- 
ment, for  the  State,  for  the  church,  whose  head  he  is. 
The  loyalty  and  reverence  due  to  that  naturally 
flows  out  in  large  part  to  him.  He  is  identified  with 
it.  To  cherish  such  sentiments  and  to  express  them 
is  right  and  useful,  so  far  as  they  promote  national- 
ism within  proper  bounds.  But  the  bounds  of 
nationalism  with  us  are  narrow,  and  —  what  is  not 
less  important  —  it  is  a  short  step  from  nationalism 
to  imperialism.  President  Lincoln  took  it,  in  the 


64  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

arbitrary  arrests  which  he  sanctioned,  during  the 
civil  war. 

All  our  Presidents  first  and  then  Congress  have 
taken  it  in  ordering  the  affairs  of  our  colonial  de- 
pendencies. They  were  right  in  taking  it,  for  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  is  a  Constitution 
made  for  the  people  of  the  States  that  are  thus 
united,  and  not  for  subject  peoples.  But  what 
Jefferson  found  it  so  natural  to  do  when  the  Louisi- 
ana purchase  was  made,  and  what  we  have  found 
so  easy,  if  not  necessary,  to  do,  on  a  larger  scale,  in 
the  Philippines,  by  establishing  there  an  imperial 
government,  is  silently  sowing  seeds  of  imperialism 
at  home  among  those  unused  to  nice  discriminations 
in  political  theories. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  the  one 
representative  of  the  country  and  of  every  State 
as  to  the  outside  world.  He  only  is  in  direct  com- 
munication with  foreign  powers.  He  only  directs 
the  course  of  troops  and  ships  of  war.  He  is  the 
embodiment  of  national  power.  He  bears  the  Might 
which  to  most  men  is  the  perpetual  symbol  of 
Right,  x 

Shortly  after  the  Constitutional  Convention  of 
1787  had  completed  its  work,  a  lady,  meeting 
Franklin,  asked  him  whether  this  new  Constitution 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  65 

would  give  us  a  republic  or  a  monarchy.  "A  re- 
public, Madam,"  was  the  answer,  "if  we  can  keep 
it."  l  We  can  only  keep  it,  —  keep  it,  that  is,  other- 
wise than  in  name,  —  by  maintaining  the  dignity 
and  sovereignty  of  the  States  within  their  spheres, 
and  by  steadily  resisting  all  unnecessary  extensions 
of  Federal  power. 

Here  is  the  opportunity  and  the  public  duty  of 
every  educated  man.  He  may  act  in  that  direction 
effectively,  whatever  be  his  party  affiliations.  No 
political  party  has  ever  pledged  itself  to  what  it 
deemed  improper  and  unnecessary  extensions  of 
Federal  power. 

There  have  been,  almost  uninterruptedly,  two 
great  parties  in  the  United  States,  though  each  has, 
from  time  to  time,  gone  under  different  names. 
One  has  been  generally  in  favor  of  a  stricter  con- 
struction of  the  Federal  powers;  the  other  of  a  more 
liberal  construction  of  them. 

President  Hadley  once  said  that  that  system  of 
government  has  the  best  chance  of  long-continued 
life,  which  allows  the  highest  degree  of  individual 
variation,  without  destroying  authority  as  a  whole. 
It  is  so,  still  more,  with  political  parties.  Those 
which  endure  are  those  which  are  broad  enough  in 

1  Farrand,  Records  of  the  Federal  Convention,  III,  85. 


66  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

their  beliefs  to  comprehend  many  men  of  many 
views,  widely  differing  from  each  other,  and  yet 
each  resolved  that  such  differences  shall  work  no 
division.  If  the  educated  man  has  not  learned 
toleration  he  has  not  learned  much.  He  of  all  men 
can  best  afford  to  identify  himself  with  a  party,  for 
he  knows  that  it  involves  no  sacrifice  of  his  ideals 
to  a  level  of  uniformity.  It  may  be  his  duty  to  hold 
back.  It  may  be  his  duty  to  push  forward.  It  is 
always  his* duty  to  recognize  the  right  of  others  to 
do  the  same,  although  they  may  be  moving  in  the 
opposite  direction  to  that  chosen  by  himself. 

In  England  it  has  often  happened  that  parties 
have  changed  their  ground,  and  are  found  in  one 
generation  advocating  what,  in  the  preceding  gen- 
eration, they  opposed. 

There  has  been  little  of  this  in  the  United  States. 
The  Republican  party  of  to-day  is  in  the  mam  a 
descendant  of  the  ancient  Federalist  party.  The 
Democratic  party  of  to-day  is  in  the  main  a  de- 
scendant of  the  ancient  Republican  party.  Neither 
party  has  been  always  and  uniformly  consistent 
in  its  platform  assertions,  but  the  main  principle 
of  each  has  been  well  known.  However  near  the 
right  wing  of  one  of  these  parties  may  approach  the 
left  wing  of  the  other,  the  main  bodies  will  remain 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  67 

apart.  They  will  remain  apart  for  solid  reasons. 
Each  represents  a  tenable  theory  of  American  gov- 
ernment. In  the  course  of  our  political  history  the 
people  have  trusted  each  with  power.  Educated 
men  have  belonged  to  each,  and  with  good  right. 
Educated  men  have  generally  controlled  each,  and 
generally  will.  It  would  be  a  sad  day  for  American 
institutions,  if  a  great  party  should  ever  rise  up, 
the  vital  principles  of  which  no  educated  man  could 
honestly  and  rightfully  support.  Such  an  event  I 
view  as  almost  impossible;  but  should  it  occur, 
that  party  would  not  remain  long  in  power.  The 
forces  of  education  would  disintegrate  and  de- 
stroy it. 

The  educated  man  should  always  and  everywhere 
stand  for  the  doctrine  that  a  member  of  a  political 
party  is  not  necessarily  pledged  either  to  vote  for 
every  person  whom  his  party  may  nominate  for 
office,  or  to  support  every  measure  which  his  party 
platform  may  urge.  He  is  —  or  should  be  —  a 
member  of  that  party  whose  principles  on  the  whole 
best  commend  themselves  to  his  judgment.  It  may 
possess  some  which  he  deems  unsound.  If  so,  he 
should  maintain  his  liberty  to  oppose  them,  without 
forfeiting  his  general  party  allegiance.  To  vote  for 
everything  which  his  party  may  hurrah  for,  hi  the 


68  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

wild  excitement  of  a  political  convention,  is  no 
necessary  part  of  his  duty.  He  is  to  be  never  the 
servant  of  a  party.  His  party  is  his  servant;  —  his, 
as  one  of  the  people  for  whose  benefit  government 
exists.  He  supports  it  because  he  believes  it  is  the 
best  party  to  serve  the  public  interests. 

Spinoza  identified  the  slavery  of  man  with  the 
strength  of  the  passions,  and  the  freedom  of  man 
with  the  power  of  the  reason.  Yielding  to  the  force 
of  political  emotion  and  party  pressure  simply  en- 
slaves the  man  whose  reason  tells  him  to  resist  and 
oppose.  So  a  man  of  superior  education  betrays 
his  trust,  if  he  looks  on  his  party  as  giving  him,  as 
to  any  matter  of  right  and  duty,  a  means  of  going 
incognito,  and  avoiding  political  responsibility.  He 
must  come  out  in  the  open  and  let  others  know  his 
convictions,  wherever  there  is  a  moral  question  to 
be  decided.  He  must  judge  the  situation  for  him- 
self. Parties  are  not  devices  to  save  men  from  the 
vexation  of  thinking. 

One  moral  question  is  attendant  on  every  election 
to  important  office.  It  addresses  itself  especially 
to  campaign  managers,  but  it  vitally  concerns  every 
citizen.  How  far  can  money  be  legitimately  used 
to  secure  a  party  victory? 

It  is  fashionable  to  look  at  corruption  in  elections 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  69 

as  a  necessary  incident  of  our  system  of  govern- 
ment. The  educated  man  knows  that,  when  it 
exists,  it  comes  commonly  from  excess  of  political 
ambition,  or  from  abuse  of  official  power.  Rous- 
seau said,  in  the  days  of  eighteenth  century  parlia- 
mentary boroughs,  that  hi  England  men  were  only 
free  on  one  day,  every  few  years,  when  they  voted 
for  members  of  parliament;  and  that  they  made 
such  a  bad  use  of  their  liberty  on  that  day,  that  they 
deserved  to  lose  it,  and  had  lost  it.  We  have  no 
Crown  ready  to  buy  votes.  We  have,  with  the 
spread  of  civil  service  reform,  continually  fewer  and 
fewer  offices  to  be  the  prizes  of  political  success. 
We  can  stamp  corruption  out  if  and  as  a  public 
sentiment  is  created  that  condemns  it  and  all  ap- 
proaches to  it,  unreservedly.  The  educated  man 
can  do  much  to  forward  that  result. 

He  can  work  effectively  in  that  direction,  though 
holding  no  office  in  State  or  party.  Talking  with 
one's  neighbors,  or  writing  a  letter  to  a  newspaper, 
is  often  more  productive  of  ultimate  results  than  a 
platform  speech  or  caucus  resolution.  Public  busi- 
ness is  controlled  by  public  sentiment,  and  public 
sentiment  is  what  private  citizens  think,  and  feel, 
and  say,  in  the  ordinary  intercourse  of  daily  life. 
It  is  this  that  colors  and  indeed  makes  the  life  of  the 


70  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

nation,  and  educated  men  have  it  in  their  power 
to  interpret  and  to  lead  it. 

Public  opinion  needs  an  interpreter.  It  also  needs 
safe  guides. 

The  place  of  education  is  in  the  front  ranks  of  all 
real  national  advance.  It  is  one  of  the  first  causes 
of  that  advance.  It  has  the  right  of  the  line.  But 
all  advances  are  not  real.  It  is  for  the  educated  man 
to  find  out  which  is,  and  which  is  not.  It  is  for  him, 
next,  to  take  his  rightful  part  in  the  support  of  the 
one,  and  the  defeat  of  the  other.  It  is  never  his 
duty  to  urge  the  passage  of  laws,  however  sound  in 
principle  they  may  seem  to  him,  which  he  can  see 
that  the  mass  of  the  people  do  not  want.  His  duty, 
under  such  conditions,  is,  first,  to  ask  himself  seri- 
ously if  the  majority  are  not  in  the  right,  and,  if  not 
convinced  of  that,  then  to  labor  to  build  up  a  pub- 
lic sentiment  calling  for  such  legislation.  In  that 
his  education  puts  him  on  a  high  vantage  ground. 

There  is  always  an  inarticulate  cry,  proceeding 
from  the  mass  of  the  community,  for  something 
better  than  they  now  possess.  What  this  is,  they 
may  half  feel,  but  do  not  know,  and  cannot  put  into 
definite  expression.  To  do  this  is  the  work  of  the 
educated  man.  He  must  be  their  voice;  and  he  who 
is  will  find  himself  their  leader. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  71 

There  will  be  such  leaders  in  great  things.  There 
will  also  —  what  is  more  important  —  be  such 
leaders  in  small  things.  Few  can  help  a  whole 
people,  by  rising  to  the  place  of  a  national  figure. 
Many  can  and  do  render  what,  in  the  aggregate 
result,  is  as  great  a  service,  by  leadership  in  the  im- 
provement of  local  conditions,  and  the  support  of 
minor  measures  that  pave  the  way  toward  great 
reforms. 

It  is  in  this  larger  company,  that  every  educated 
man  owes  it  to  society  to  take  his  part.  He  owes 
it  to  his  own  generation  by  whose  co-operation  his 
life  and  liberty  and  property  are  protected.  He 
owes  it  to  the  next  generation,  for  whom  ours  must 
prepare  a  place.  He  owes  it  to  past  generations,  to 
whose  endowments  he  is  generally  indebted  for  a 
large  part  of  his  education,  and  of  whose  acquire- 
ments and  literature  he  is  an  heir.  This  debt  he 
ought  to  pay  with  interest.  He  must  do  his  part 
to  make  the  conditions  of  life  better  in  the  future 
than  those  which  he  has  known.  He  must  try  to 
do  for  his  successors  in  the  community  what  his 
predecessors  did  for  him.  You  and  I  must  pay  our 
debts  of  inheritance,  to  use  the  words  of  David 
Ritchie,  "by  endeavoring  to  hand  on  to  those  that 
shall  come  after,  the  privileges  we  do  not  enjoy." 


72  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

They  will  be  the  privileges  of  freemen.  They 
will  be  equally  open  to  all.  The  educated  man  is 
bound  to  exert  his  influence  to  guard  the  rights  of 
the  people  and  the  community,  as  a  whole.  He 
must,  be  he  a  specialist  or  not,  command  a  wider 
horizon  than  can  most  of  those  around  him.  He 
can  see  that  to  favor  class  interests  is  seldom  to 
promote  public  interests.  He  can  see  that  what 
seems  to  the  advantage  of  a  particular  city  or 
country  or  senatorial  district  may  be  a  damage 
to  the  State  at  large.  He  can  see,  and  see  more 
clearly,  if  a  private  citizen,  than  if  in  public  office, 
that  the  office  of  a  representative  in  a  legislative 
body  is  first  of  all  to  represent  the  entire  people, 
rather  than  any  particular  locality,  and  that  the 
electors  have  no  just  right  to  expect  from  one  whom 
they  have  helped  to  put  in  office  any  greater  con- 
sideration for  their  special  interests,  because  they 
and  he  live  in  the  same  town  or  county. 

In  speaking  of  class  interests,  I  would  not  be 
understood  to  recognize  the  existence  of  any  social 
classes  in  the  United  States.  The  term  "social 
classes"  is  justly  applicable  only  where  political 
society  has  established  various  kinds  of  personal 
status,  involving  some  kind  of  subjection  of  those 
having  one  kind  to  those  having  another.  American 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP,  73 

government  recognizes  no  such  institutions.  The 
educated  man  ought  to  set  his  face  against  any 
appeal  to  "class-consciousness."  There  is  no  ground 
for  the  existence  of  such  a  thing  in  the  United  States, 
and  can  be  none,  because  with  us  there  is  no  social 
class  into  which  or  out  of  which  men  cannot  pass 
at  will,  unimpeded  by  law. 

In  dealing  with  any  questions  of  such  a  sort,  a 
well-trained  mind  is  of  special  service.  Every 
educated  man  observes  society  through  a  magnify- 
ing glass.  What  is  microscopic  or  invisible  to  most, 
stands  out  in  his  view  large  and  clear.  He  sees 
qualifications  of  dogmas,  shades  of  meaning,  at- 
tachments to  propositions.  If,  in  the  phrase  of 
the  day,  there  are  " strings"  to  them,  it  does  not 
escape  his  observation. 

His  business  is  to  give  his  contemporaries,  so 
far  as  he  can,  the  benefit  of  this  acquired  power 
of  his.  He  has,  in  this,  something  akin  to  the 
faculty  of  the  artist;  whose  function  it  is  to  show 
us  how  much  the  ideal  rises  above  the  actual,  and 
shines  through  the  actual,  to  those  who  have  eyes 
to  see. 

The  man  hi  private  station  will  often  if  not 
always,  in  attempting  this,  find  a  kindlier  audi- 
ence, than  if  he  occupied  a  public  position.  He 


74  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

stands,  apparently,  on  the  same  level  with  all  whom 
he  addresses,  and  he  speaks  with  an  unselfish 
interest. 

The  best  office  of  an  educated  man  is  to  give  high 
and  ennobling  ideals  to  his  fellow  citizens.  They 
are  needed  in  our  age  of  conflict  with  a  materialism 
armed  with  so  immense  a  power,  more  than  ever 
before.  He  must  first  have  them,  himself;  and  he 
can,  if  he  make  good  use  of  what  has  been  taught 
him,  —  if  he  take  himself  at  his  best.  A  few  "high 
hours,"  as  Emerson  called  them,  come  in  every  life. 
It  is  to  enable  us  to  attain  them  that  the  rest  are 
given  us,  and  it  is  our  business  to  make  them  more 
and  more  productive,  every  year.  No  way  is  better 
than  to  cherish  them  with  the  hope  of  passing  them 
on  to  other  men. 

The  educated  man  is  no  good  citizen  unless  he 
exerts  such  influence  as  belongs  to  him  to  build 
up  the  general  character  of  the  community  and 
strengthen  its  moral  motive.  Rousseau,  in  La  Nou- 
velle  Helolse,  makes  one  of  his  characters  say  that 
suicide  is  a  theft  from  the  human  family.  Such  a 
theft  also,  though  in  less  degree,  is  committed  by 
every  one  whom  society  has  trained  in  the  higher 
learning,  and  who  then  allows  himself  to  become 
so  self-centered  and  self-surrounded  that,  though 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  75 

retaining  his  life,  he  exerts  no  effort  to  make  it 
useful  to  others. 

A  liberal  education,  obtained  at  any  American 
college  is,  in  part  at  least,  an  unearned  gift.  The 
State  may  be  the  giver.  Past  generations  may  be. 
But  however  this  may  be,  the  student  never  pays 
for  what  he  gets,  when  he  gets  it.  The  debt  re- 
mains, and  the  resulting  duty  to  pay  it  later,  when 
he  can.  He  pays  it  best  by  rendering  that  service 
to  others  which  it  has  put  it  in  his  power  to  give. 
He  must  be  a  leader  in  making  the  most  of  life  for 
himself,  and  in  helping  others  to  make  the  most  of 
it  for  themselves.  He  knows  fairly  well  his  own 
capabilities.  He  must  convince  his  neighbors  of 
theirs.  He  must  show  them  their  possibilities  of 
self-improvement,  and  the  real  secret  of  a  strong 
and  fine  life. 

For  one  thing,  that  is  self-control,  with  its  fruit 
of  freedom  from  fear.  The  wise  man,  said  Emerson, 
in  a  storm  at  sea,  "  prays  God  not  for  safety  from 
danger,  but  for  deliverance  from  fear."  It  is  the 
storm  within,  which  endangers  his  true  life,  not  the 
storm  without.  This  may  be  an  esoteric  lesson, 
hard  to  learn;  but  a  practical  rendering  of  it  for 
every  man  is  that  there  is  no  ground  for  dreading 
ruin  from  the  success  of  any  political  party  in  State 


76  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

or  nation.  History  assures  us  of  this  as  a  permanent 
characteristic  of  American  life,  and  the  historical 
student  must  share  his  knowledge  of  it  with  those 
around  him. 

When  any  large  public  question  is  under  discus- 
sion, the  possessor  of  a  strong  mind  and  high  at- 
tainments has  some  such  opportunity,  and  it  is  well 
worth  his  while  to  use  it.  Man  always  is  at  his  best 
when  he  interests  himself  in  politics;  using  that 
term  in  its  original  sense,  —  as  that  which  belongs 
to  the  government  of  a  community.  To  do  this 
was  virtually  forbidden,  in  the  older  forms  of 
political  society,  to  all  but  a  favored  few.  In  our 
country  it  has,  from  the  first,  been  possible  for 
every  one.  The  American,  then,  who  does  not 
interest  himself  in  politics  renounces  his  birth- 
right. Having  a  right  to  show  himself  at  his  best, 
he  is  content  with  the  second  best. 

If  the  uneducated  man  is  found  in  this  posi- 
tion, he  has  some  excuse.  He  knows  his  weak- 
ness. He  dreads  to  assume  the  labor  of  studying 
problems  of  difficulty,  with  an  untrained  mind. 
The  educated  man  has  a  larger  responsibility. 
His  training  has  been  for  the  purpose  of  help- 
ing him  to  make  the  most  of  himself,  —  the  most 
of  life.  It  is  doing  that,  to  exercise  a  whole- 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  77 

some  and  intelligent  influence  on  the  politics  of 
the  day. 

How  shall  he,  as  a  citizen,  labor  to  the  most 
purpose  to  better  the  State? 

There  is  something  not  wholly  unattractive  to 
a  man  of  powerful  and  well-disciplined  mind  in 
such  a  philosophy  as  that  of  Nietzsche.  May  it  not 
be  so  that  the  true  worth-accent  of  human  life 
ought  to  rest  alone  on  its  highest  examples,  and  that 
the  only  important  thing  to  forward  is  the  higher 
advancement  of  those  already  most  advanced? 
Shall  we  believe  with  Carlyle  that  the  history  of  the 
world  is  the  biography  of  great  men?  The  student 
of  large  social  movements  will  be  more  apt  to  de- 
clare it  to  be  the  story  of  the  average  man  and  the 
average  level  of  the  community,  in  every  genera- 
tion. Certainly  it  is  so  in  a  country  such  as  ours. 
This  is  a  natural  consequence  of  republican 
institutions. 

Every  American  citizen  is  to  a  certain  extent  a 
public  man.  He  has  an  equal  share  in  the  sover- 
eignty of  his  State  and  nation.  He  is  called  on  to 
approve  or  disapprove  by  his  vote  at  the  next 
election  the  manner  hi  which  the  sovereign  power 
has  been  exercised  by  the  men  in  office.  It  is  for 
him,  as  much  as  for  any  other  man,  to  say  whether 


78  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

they  —  or  their  party  —  shall  continue  in  possession 
of  that  power.  Every  American  citizen,  therefore, 
is  under  a  special  obligation  to  school  himself  in 
respect  to  the  nature  of  government,  —  its  limita- 
tions and  its  possibilities. 

One  fundamental  conception  he  must  grasp  firmly, 
—  and  the  better  educated  he  is,  the  more  firmly, 
because  it  may  seem  illusory.  It  is  this:  There  is 
not  one  and  the  same  standard  for  the  individual 
and  for  that  association  of  individuals,  which  we 
call  the  State.  The  government  may,  in  case  of 
need,  sometimes  do  —  and  do  fairly  —  what  to 
anyone  of  its  people  would  be  impermissible  and 
illegal.  Take,  for  instance,  the  rules  of  property 
right.  Under  these  the  State  can  fairly  and  properly 
give  itself  special  privileges.  Let  us  suppose  that 
a  taxpayer  becomes  financially  embarrassed.  The 
State  can  and  commonly  does  insist  on  a  preference 
for  taxes  due,  over  his  other  creditors.  The  public 
debt  must  be  paid  to  the  last  cent,  even  if  it  con- 
sumes the  man's  entire  estate.  So  the  management 
of  the  post  office  is  a  government  monopoly,  and 
we  have  laws  which  very  properly  exclude,  under 
pain  of  fine  or  imprisonment,  all  competition  from 
those  desiring  to  set  up  a  private  mail.  So  far  forth, 
our  policy  is  frankly  socialistic. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  79 

Where,  again,  the  government  is  in  a  position, 
through  its  executive  or  legislative  departments, 
to  deal  with  the  claims  of  individuals  complain- 
ing of  wrongs,  it  can  act  even  in  violation  of  what 
in  courts  would  be  the  unquestionable  rules  of 
justice. 

Congress,  many  years  ago,  granted  bounties  to 
sugar  growers.  The  courts  were  appealed  to  and 
decided  that  such  legislation  was  unconstitutional. 
But  meanwhile  large  sums  had  been  spent  by  the 
sugar  planters,  in  reliance  on  its  validity.  Congress 
thereupon  appropriated  as  much  as  the  bounties 
would  have  called  for,  to  save  them  from  ruin. 
The  courts  were  again  appealed  to,  but  they  held 
that  Congress  could  thus  recognize  the  equity  of 
the  planters*  claims.  It  was  simply  doing  what 
an  honest  man's  conscience  would,  under  similar 
circumstances,  make  him  do.  A  similar  position 
was  taken  when  the  United  States  consented  to  set 
aside  a  judgment  of  a  commission  of  international 
arbitration  rendered  against  Mexico,  in  favor  of 
certain  claimants  who  had  deceived  the  arbitrators 
by  false  testimony.  They  had  transferred  their 
claims  to  bona  fide  purchasers,  who  had  collected 
the  award.  The  United  States  nevertheless  refused 
to  be  even  a  seeming  party  to  such  a  fraud,  though 


80  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

at  the  cost  of  repaying  the  sums  in  question  to 
Mexico  out  of  the  national  treasury.1 

On  the  other  hand,  the  educated  man  can  see 
why  nations  may  be  or  seem  selfish  in  situations 
where  a  private  individual  might  not  be  able  to 
quiet  his  conscience,  should  he  act  in  the  same  way. 
The  nation  is  a  trustee  for  all  its  people.  To  give 
up  or  give  away  what  is  theirs  may  be  a  breach  of 
trust,  in  essence,  though  not  in  form.  It  is,  there- 
fore, generally  the  duty  of  a  government  to  stand 
upon  its  rights. 

So  far  as  concerns  private  individuals,  the  en- 
forcement by  government  of  obligations  between 
man  and  man  rests  mainly  upon  the  courts.  The 
educated  man  owes  it  to  his  education  to  do  what  he 
can  to  strengthen  public  confidence  in  our  judicial 
system.  It  has  brought  peace,  order,  and  security 
to  our  people,  but  most  of  them  have  a  very  im- 
perfect knowledge  of  the  reason  why.  They  do 
not  understand  that  courts  have  created  the  dignity 
in  society  of  the  individual  man,  by  giving  him  the 
aid  of  the  whole  people,  if  necessary,  to  enforce 
his  rights.  They  may  not  understand  that  it  would 

1  La  Arbra  Silver  Mining  Co.  v.  United  States,  175  United 
States  Reports,  423;  Moore,  International  Law  Digest,  VII, 
68. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  81 

be  hazarded,  if  not  lost,  were  judicial  decisions  to 
be  controlled  or  revised  by  popular  majorities,  ob- 
tained, as  often  they  surely  would  be,  by  the  efforts 
of  defeated  litigants. 

Life  consists  in  sharing  a  succession  of  relations 
between  men.  One  of  these  relations  is  that  of  the 
aggregation  of  all  the  people  inhabiting  a  particular 
territory,  represented  by  its  civil  government,  to 
each  of  these  people  individually  and  to  each  of  the 
groups  with  which  these  individuals  may  be  identi- 
fied. Each  individual  in  a  civilized  state,  so  far 
as  he  can  be  said  to  have  personal  rights  against 
other  individuals  or  groups  of  individuals,  is  a 
person  created  by  civilization,  under  the  influences 
of  religion. 

Primitive  society  is  a  group  or  a  combination  of 
groups.  The  group  is  a  personality;  the  combina- 
tion of  groups  is  a  personality;  but  the  individual 
at  this  stage  of  human  development  is  not  a  personal- 
ity. Organized  society  does  not  deal  with  him.  It 
deals  with  his  group.  If  he  commits  a  crime,  it 
looks  to  his  group  to  punish  him.  If  he  acquires 
property,  he  acquires  it  for  his  group.  If  his  services 
are  wanted  in  war,  they  are  called  for  by  his  group. 

Modern  government  has  come,  through  the  in- 
fluences of  civilization,  to  recognize  the  individual 


82  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

as  a  political  personality.  It  recognizes  him  as 
having  rights.  It  assures  them  to  him,  and  does  this 
no  longer  by  the  action  of  a  particular  group,  but 
through  courts,  superior  in  force  to  any  group,  be- 
cause they  are  backed  by  the  force  of  all  the  people 
in  all  the  groups. 

To  support  the  authority  of  the  courts  of  justice, 
then,  is  one  of  the  first  duties  of  every  citizen.  It 
is  for  the  educated  man  to  show  him  why.  History 
tells,  or  rather  the  philosophy  of  history,  and  that 
must  be  taken  at  second  hand  by  most  men.  Only 
the  educated  man  comes  to  know  it  at  first  hand. 
Only  he  can  speak  with  authority  of  what  courts 
are,  or  any  other  of  the  institutions  which,  during 
thousands  of  years,  have  been  the  slow  growth 
of  social  evolution;  yet  those  alone  are  the  real 
foundation  of  the  State. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  83 

IV 
THE  EDUCATED  MAN  IN  PUBLIC  OFFICE 

MEN  of  superior  education  fill  the  higher  offices 
in  our  country,  in  a  proportion  far  in  excess  of  that 
which  they  bear,  as  a  class,  to  the  rest  of  the  com- 
munity. The  higher  the  office,  the  greater  is  this 
proportion.  Of  the  twenty-three  men  who  have 
been  elected  Presidents  of  the  United  States,  only 
seven,  —  Washington,  Jackson,  Van  Buren,  Polk, 
Taylor,  Lincoln,  and  Cleveland  —  had  not  had  the 
advantage  of  a  college  training.  While  these  in- 
clude three  illustrious  names,  the  list  of  Presidents, 
taken  as  a  whole,  although  showing  that  native 
talent,  high  character,  and  good  use  of  opportunity 
for  self-improvement  may  carry  their  possessors  to 
any  height  of  power,  proves  also  that  the  greatest 
stations  in  public  life  seldom  go  to  men  of  middling 
ability,  unless  it  has  been  disciplined  and  steadied 
by  careful  cultivation. 

Similar  results  are  apparent  in  all  the  other  lines 
of  high  public  service.  Dean  West  of  Princeton 
has  recently  stated,  that  among  our  American  youths 
who  have  gone  to  college,  are  comprehended  nearly 


84  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

a  third  of  all  who  have  ever  been  representatives  in 
Congress,  more  than  a  third  of  all  who  have  ever 
been  senators  of  the  United  States,  nearly  half  of 
our  cabinet  officers,  and  almost  all  the  justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
more  important  offices  of  the  State  governments 
the  proportion  of  men  of  superior  education  is  less, 
but  still  relatively  very  large. 

In  the  preceding  lectures  I  have  spoken  of  the 
reasons  for  this,  and  also  of  the  duty  which  every 
educated  man  owes  to  his  country  to  give  her  the 
benefit  of  whatever  he  has  learned,  to  the  measure 
of  his  opportunity.  But  in  taking  office  he  makes 
an  essential  change  of  position.  He  no  longer  speaks 
only  for  himself.  He  no  longer  has  the  same  free- 
dom to  follow  his  own  lead.  More  depends  upon  his 
action.  What  he  does  is  largely  at  others'  risk.  He 
has,  therefore,  less  right  of  political  independence. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  now  has  better  means  of 
information  as  to  public  matters.  This  may  change 
his  views  of  political  policy.  He  has  gained  a  sounder 
basis  of  opinion.  In  most  cases  he  was  elected  as 
the  nominee  of  a  political  party.  This  implies  a 
certain  obligation  to  support  the  main  measures 
which  it  is  understood  to  favor.  The  educated  man, 
like  every  other  member  of  a  party,  has  become  such 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  85 

because  it,  on  the  whole,  was  the  one  best  represent- 
ing the  policies  which  he  prefers.  If  he  be  put  in 
office,  it  is  because  he  belonged  to  it.  He  owes  it 
something.  If  he  were  not  ready  to  act  with  it,  in 
ordinary  cases,  he  was  wrong  in  accepting  office 
at  its  hands. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  is  the  only 
public  officer  who  may  be  expected  to  keep  his  mind 
wholly  free  from  local  prepossessions.  The  Gover- 
nors of  States  come  next,  but  each  of  them  is,  in  a 
sense,  the  appointed  guardian  of  the  special  interests 
of  the  sovereign  power  whose  head  he  is.  If  it  be 
an  agricultural  State,  he  must  endeavor  fully  to 
protect  the  interests  of  the  farmer.  If  it  be  a  manu- 
facturing State,  he  must,  hi  like  manner,  have  re- 
gard to  those  of  the  factory.  Above  all  he  must 
stand  for  the  constitutional  equality  and  sovereign 
power  —  sovereign,  that  is,  within  their  spheres  — 
of  each  and  every  State. 

No  one  can  see  as  plainly  as  the  man  of  broad 
education  how  vital  to  American  institutions  it  is 
that  the  balance  of  power  between  the  States  and 
the  United  States,  and  the  equal  measure  of  power 
held  by  every  individual  State,  should  be  kept 
unimpaired. 

Lord  Bacon,  in  his  treatise  on  the  Advancement 


86  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

of  Learning,  said  that  the  best  of  the  public  men  in 
ancient  Rome  were  those  who  "either,  being  con- 
suls, inclined  to  the  people,  or  being  tribunes,  in- 
clined to  the  senate."  So  perhaps  the  educated 
man,  holding  high  executive  position  under  our  dual 
system  of  government  who,  being  a  Federal  official, 
inclines  to  minimize  the  sovereignty  of  the  United 
States,  or  who,  being  a  State  official,  inclines  to 
minimize  that  of  the  States,  does  most  credit  to  the 
education  which  he  has  received. 

The  educated  American  has  not  an  equal  chance 
with  the  educated  man  in  most  other  countries,  to 
serve  the  public  in  a  public  way.  We  have  no 
leisured  class,  with  recognized  opportunities  and 
duties  as  to  public  service.  We  distribute  even 
executive  and  judicial  offices  largely  on  a  basis  of 
locality.  Goldwin  Smith  said  of  George  William 
Curtis  that  "unfortunately  he  lived  in  an  electoral 
district  where  the  opposite  party  had  the  majority, 
and  thus,  by  the  fatuous  localism  which  the  Ameri- 
cans have  imposed  upon  themselves,  he  was  de- 
barred from  doing  his  best  for  the  country." 

If  such  a  man  happens,  by  some  stroke  of  public 
good  fortune,  to  have  an  opportunity  of  serving 
the  people,  he  cannot  forget  that  local  circumstances 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  87 

are  always  to  be  considered  in  shaping  his  political 
course.  The  representative  in  Congress,  for  in- 
stance, of  a  district  in  which  there  are  large  manu- 
facturing interests  benefiting  by  a  high  protective 
tariff,  will  find  both  employers  and  employees  dis- 
inclined to  a  change  of  system  which  would,  or  in 
their  judgment  might,  be  injurious  to  them.  How- 
ever advantageous  to  the  country  at  large  the 
lower  duties  might  be,  he  knows  that  his  continu- 
ance in  office  may  depend  on  his  resisting  the  reduc- 
tion and,  probably,  what  is  more  important  to  him, 
that  he  was  selected  and  sent  to  Congress  for  that 
very  purpose. 

Such  considerations  will  not  justify  him  in  doing 
what  he  knows  to  be  a  positive  wrong.  They  will 
rightly  have  weight  in  determining  his  duty  in  mat- 
ters where  there  is  room  for  reasonable  argument  on 
both  sides.  Abstract  theories  are  not  always  safe 
guides  through  practical  conditions.  They  gather 
limitations  as  they  proceed.  The  rule  of  Right  may 
be  invariable,  but  who  is  wise  enough  always  to 
discern  it? 

If  to  any  leader  of  the  people,  however,  it  re- 
mains obscure  as  to  some  particular  measure  or 
policy,  that  is  broad  and  large  in  character,  he  may 
be  reasonably  sure  that  the  people,  as  a  whole,  will 


88  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

see  it  more  clearly,  and  certain  that  they  will  cast 
their  votes  according  to  their  moral  convictions. 
Were  this  not  so,  our  system  of  government  would 
have  fallen  to  pieces,  long  ago. 

But  why  is  it  so?  What  is  the  real  source  and 
strength  of  popular  morality?  By  what  lines  of 
thought  are  these  most  surely  ascertained? 

The  educated  man,  in  measuring  the  influence 
which  he  can  and  should  exert  upon  his  fellow 
citizens,  finds  himself  put  to  a  choice  between  two 
schools  of  philosophy.  Is  mankind  ultimately 
directed  along  its  course  by  interior  intuitions,  or 
by  exterior  associations  and  experiences?  If  by 
interior  intuitions,  he  who  would  serve  as  a  guide 
to  others  has  but  a  narrow  field  of  metaphysics, 
bordered  on  one  side  by  sentiment  and  on  the  other 
by  rhetoric,  to  explore:  if  by  exterior  associations 
and  experiences,  his  studies  must  be  as  wide  as  the 
world. 

There  is  no  doubt  as  to  which  discipline  it  is 
the  easier  to  embrace.  There  is  none  as  to  which 
is  most  identified  with  the  fundamental  assumptions 
of  our  American  governments.  There  is  none  as  to 
which  affords  the  strongest  leverage  to  move  a 
whole  people. 

The  people,  as  a  whole,  believe  that  certain  moral 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  89 

principles  are  innate  in  human  character;  that 
there  is  such  a  thing  as  a  moral  standard,  towards 
which  another  thing  that  is  within  us,  and  which  we 
call  conscience,  urges  us  on;  and,  finally,  that  there 
is  a  God  over  all,  almighty  and  omniscient.  Who- 
ever can  best  appeal  to  these  convictions,  and  best 
squares  his  life  to  what  they  necessarily  involve, 
will  have  the  largest  following  ha  public  Me.  He 
professes  a  philosophy  which  ennobles  common 
things,  and  is  apprehensible  by  the  uneducated,  as 
well  as  by  the  educated. 

It  is  a  philosophy  peculiarly  adapted  to  uphold 
republican  institutions.  They  suffer  from  the  want 
of  a  visible  sovereign  authority.  They  furnish  no 
king  or  emperor  to  personify  it  hi  all  its  fulness,  and 
so  to  draw  to  himself  the  spontaneous  loyalty  and 
reverence  of  the  people.  Their  adherents  must 
then  go  higher,  and  claim  that  these  institutions 
stand  for  perpetual  truths,  ordained  of  God. 

Of  course,  it  is  not  intended  to  maintain  that  any 
political  leader  can  ignore  the  force  of  human  asso- 
ciation, custom,  and  experience.  All  men,  and  the 
educated  man  particularly,  will  necessarily  have 
some  acquaintance  with  it;  and  whoever  under- 
stands it  best  will  pay  it  the  most  regard.  But  the 
predominant  philosophy  of  popular  leadership  is 


90  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

that  which  rests  on  an  inborn  and  unlearned  sense 
of  right  and  wrong. 

Right,  with  most  men,  is  coupled  with  religion, 
and  it  is  but  a  small  minority  of  the  people  with 
whom  religion  does  not  count.  The  stars  in  their 
courses  are  perpetual  witnesses  to  a  realm  of  law; 
and  few  can  watch  them  without  a  conviction  that 
we  are  part  of  a  larger  order  of  things  than  we  can 
measure,  and  an  order  established  by  a  law-giver, 
who  also  made  it  possible  for  us  to  be  members  of  it. 

Here  in  the  United  States,  in  our  country  of 
popular  education,  the  collective  and  intelligent 
opinion  of  tne  community  upon  any  moral  issue, 
clearly  put  before  it,  is,  under  normal  conditions, 
always  well-motived.  It  is  the  fruit  of  the  past, 
but  has  ripened  hi  the  present.  Schopenhauer  is 
wrong,  at  least  for  America,  when  he  declares  that 
"Jedes  einzelne  Akt  hat  einen  Zweck;  das  gesammte 
Wollen,  keinen."  The  collective  will,  here,  is  always 
to  uphold  the  right,  —  right  as  it  seems  to  the 
community.  And  if  education  has  done  this  for 
us,  it  can  do  it,  in  God's  own  time,  for  the  world. 

The  educated  man  will  seldom  fail  to  feel  the  far- 
reaching  force  of  religion  in  human  government. 
He  sees  that  the  strongest  foundation  on  which  to 
build  up  any  broad  measure  of  social  betterment  is 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  91 

that  of  a  higher  morality.  The  State  papers  that 
appeal,  in  sincerity  and  truth,  to  these  deep  sources 
of  power,  carry  the  most  weight.  Here  is  the  hope 
of  the  social  reformer,  if  he  gains  political  power. 
He  may  rely  on  the  conscience  of  the  people,  and 
in  a  measure  on  the  conscience  of  the  world. 

Life  is  a  continuous  adjustment,  says  Herbert 
Spencer,  of  internal  relations  to  external  relations. 
We  tend  to  be  whatever  our  environment  calls  for. 
In  proportion  to  our  quick  response  to  the  demands 
it  makes,  is  life  sweet  and  strong  and  safe. 

The  environment  of  each  great  nation  is  now  the 
world.  There  is  a  law  fit  for  the  world,  and  at  bottom 
there  is  but  one.  It  is  what  we  imperfectly  describe 
as  the  divine  law.  We  are  perhaps  not  so  sure  as 
once,  whether  all  that  we  thus  name  is  what  the 
world  has  claimed  for  it.  The  new  philosophy  of 
pragmatism  makes  us  distrustful  of  abstract  theo- 
ries, with  its  insistence  that  the  best  definition  of 
truth  is  that  which  works  best. 

Whether  he  holds  himself  a  pragmatist  or  not, 
the  educated  man  knows  that  the  best  laws  to  pass 
are  those  which  will  operate  the  most  smoothly  in 
daily  practice.  It  is  a  truism  that  legislation  must 
never  be  far  in  advance  of  public  opinion.  Law- 
makers are  to  find  out  that  opinion  and,  as  a  French 


92  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

writer  has  said,  not  so  much  by  listening  to  those 
who  speak,  as  to  those  who  are  silent.  Most  are 
silent.  "The  Forgotten  Man"  of  Professor  Simmer 
is  the  ordinary  citizen. 

What  public  sentiment  approves  public  senti- 
ment will  respect,  if  it  take  the  form  of  law.  The 
freer  the  government,  the  more  does  such  respect 
count  for,  and  the  more  important  it  is  that  it 
should  extend  both  to  the  laws  and  to  those  who 
administer  them.  Nowhere  is  this  axiom  of  politics 
more  self-evident  than  in  a  republic. 

American  government  rests  on  popular  respect 
for  law.  Respect  brings  obedience.  The  chief 
executive  officers  of  our  country,  our  States,  or 
our  cities,  stand  before  the  people  for  the  force  of 
law.  They  should  receive  that  respect  which  is  a 
rightful  and  natural  incident  of  their  office.  No  one 
knows  so  well  the  importance  of  this  as  the  educated 
man.  No  one  feels  it  so  deeply  as  the  educated 
man,  who  occupies  such  an  office. 

Human  nature  craves  some  embodiment  of  su- 
perior authority.  It  is  never  at  its  best  in  any  man 
unless  ruled  by  a  spirit  of  reverence  for  a  higher 
power.  This  spirit  is  natural  in  monarchies,  par- 
ticularly if  there  be  a  national  church  of  which  the 
king  is  head.  Decentralization  in  religious  authority 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  93 

and  decentralization  of  civil  authority  generally 
go  together;  but  not  always,  and  never  neces- 
sarily. They  did  not  go  together  at  the  time  of 
the  Protestant  Reformation,  nor  yet  during  the 
French  Revolution.  There,  religious  authority  dis- 
appeared for  the  moment,  but  only  to  appear  with 
accentuated  centralization  at  the  call  of  Napoleon. 

There  is  a  universal  longing  at  the  bottom  of  the 
human  heart  for  something  to  reverence.  The 
most  ardent  Roman  Catholic  may  also  be  the  most 
ardent  lover  of  civil  liberty.  He  needs  it  the  more 
because  he  has  voluntarily  surrendered  his  religious 
liberty. 

It  is  the  redeeming  feature  of  European  mili- 
tarism that  it  teaches  respectful  submission  to  au- 
thority and  reverence  for  those  entrusted  with  it. 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  stand  apart 
from  the  other  great  powers  in  not  providing  such 
a  source  of  obedience  to  law,  and  requiring  a  resort 
to  it.  The  British  need  it  less  than  we,  for  they 
have  a  king  who  symbolizes  authority,  and  whose 
elevation  above  all  others  is  secured  and  fortified 
by  the  social  traditions  of  a  thousand  years.  It 
has  led  us  to  elect  five  Presidents  of  the  United 
States  because  they  had  distinguished  themselves 
in  military  service,  and  so  identified  themselves 


94  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

with  the  flag,  that  the  honor  due  to  that  came 
naturally  to  them.  England,  on  the  other  hand, 
has  only  once  in  her  parliamentary  history  ap- 
pointed one  famous  as  a  military  commander  prime 
minister,  and  the  Duke  of  Wellington's  term  of 
office  as  such  lasted  but  a  year. 

For  us,  then,  whose  easiest  opportunity  for  the 
culture  of  personal  reverence  and  respect  for  per- 
sonal authority  is  given  by  service  in  the  militia, 
or  the  army  of  the  United  States,  it  is  the  more  im- 
portant to  advance  the  dignity  of  high  civil  office. 
With  no  king  to  personify  for  a  life-time  the  sacred- 
ness  of  the  State;  no  hereditary  nobility  or  gentry; 
no  State  church;  the  hunger  of  human  nature  for 
something  visible  and  authoritative  to  bow  down 
before  exaggerates  the  position  of  a  great  General, 
and  therefore,  needs  direction  towards  those  standing 
first  in  civil  station.  If  they  are  educated  men,  they 
have  so  far  forth  the  better  title  to  respect,  and  they 
have  the  stronger  appreciation  of  how  much  the 
show  of  that  respect,  as  a  social  convention,  does 
for  the  government  they  represent. 

The  public  men  of  our  country  to-day  are  not 
less  worthy  to  receive  such  regard,  than  were  their 
predecessors  in  office.  They  have  been  schooled 
in  a  larger  field.  They  deal  with  larger  interests. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  95 

In  the  first  edition  of  the  American  Common- 
wealth, Mr.  Bryce  told  us  that  those  whom  we 
called  our  statesmen  were,  as  a  rule,  not  types  of 
the  highest  and  strongest  American  manhood. 
Nor,  he  continued,  is  there  much  occasion  in  the 
United  States  for  those  classes  of  public  men  which 
are  necessary  in  the  great  nations  of  Europe;  for 
Europe  needs,  and  the  United  States  do  not,  those 
able  to  determine  foreign  and  colonial  policy,  those 
who  are  apt  at  constructive  work  in  social  and 
economic  reform,  and  those  who  can  be  efficient 
heads  of  departments. 

When,  after  twenty  years,  he  came  back  here  as 
ambassador  from  Great  Britain,  he  found  that  all 
these  needs  of  the  old  world  had  become  needs  of 
the  new.  Americans  can  no  longer  be  content  to 
trust  themselves  to  the  rule  of  parliamentary  de- 
baters and  platform  orators.  They  have  come  to 
face  large  questions  of  colonial  government,  and 
world-politics;  of  substituting  for  the  common  law 
as  to  economic  questions  a  statute  law  dealing  with 
them  from  new  points  of  view;  of  elevating  federal 
bureaus  to  federal  departments;  and  of  multiplying 
each. 

There  is  occasion  here,  which  thirty  years  ago 
did, not  exist,  in  a  hundred  directions,  for  careful 


96  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

study  by  thoughtful  and  well-read  men.  They  can- 
not but  see  that  we  are,  with  the  growing  solidarity 
of  the  world,  on  the  brink  of  a  new  social  era.  Its 
story  is  yet  to  be  told.  We  cannot  forecast  it  with 
any  certainty.  But  it  is  to  be  an  era  of  new  politics, 
which  must  be  accompanied  and  brought  in  by  a 
new  ethics. 

The  nature  of  political  science  has  largely 
changed  and  broadened  out  during  the  last  half 
century.  Its  aim  formerly  was  to  show  how  to 
fit  the  government  of  a  people  to  the  conditions  of 
that  people.  It  was  something  of  local  application. 
What  it  had  of  general  principles  was  only  important 
in  determining  the  mode  of  such  application.  Then 
came  the  ocean  cable,  to  bind  the  world  together 
in  point  of  time.  The  opening  up  of  Africa  followed, 
and  the  formation  of  the  Congo  Free  State.  Europe 
pushed  beyond  the  fringe  of  civilization  which  in 
ten  thousand  years  had  hardly  spread  beyond  the 
coast  line,  and  marked  off  her  new  spheres  of  in- 
fluence. England  seized  upon  ancient  Egypt. 
France  laid  her  hands  upon  Algiers,  Tunis,  and  then 
Morocco,  to  be  followed  by  Italy,  reaching  after 
Tripoli.  Russia  meanwhile  has  been  creeping  into 
China  and  Persia.  Japan  has  entered  the  family  of 
nations,  and  now  holds  her  place  among  the  great 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  97 

powers.  The  United  States  buy  Alaska;  construct 
an  isthmian  canal  to  connect  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific;  assume  a  protectorate  over  Cuba;  reach 
into  Asia,  and  seize  the  Philippines.  China,  Persia, 
and  Turkey  accept  republican  institutions. 

Political  Science  must  meet  these  new  conditions. 
The  world  feels  this.  The  court  of  international 
arbitration,  now  established  at  the  Hague,  is  its 
first  effort  to  deal  with  world-politics  from  a  world 
standpoint.  But  what  principles  shall  this  court 
apply?  And  what  principles  shall  nations  apply  in 
their  dealings  with  each  other,  which  precede 
controversy  or  prevent  it? 

President  Hadley,  in  a  thoughtful  paper  written 
towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  claimed  for 
ethics  the  first  place  in  political  science.  As  political 
science  expands,  so  must  political  ethics.  There 
may  be,  and  perhaps  must  be,  as  things  go  now,  two 
kinds  of  ethics  to  be  applied  by  the  same  science,  — 
national  ethics,  and  world  ethics. 

The  laws  of  any  particular  people  must  be  limited 
and  ruled  by  their  own,  locally  accepted,  standards 
of  morals  and  conduct.  The  laws  governing  the 
dealings  of  one  people  with  other  peoples  must  be 
those  of  universal  obligation.  Here  may  at  last  be 
yet  realized  the  thought  of  stoic  philosophy,  that 


98  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

there  is,  could  we  only  discern  it,  one  law  for  all 
men  and  all  things.  The  six  Conferences  held  at 
the  Hague  during  the  last  twenty  years,  two  for 
the  advancement  and  unification  of  Public  Inter- 
national Law,  and  four  for  the  advancement  and 
unification  of  Private  International  Law,  have 
brought  the  nations  of  the  world  closer  together 
than  ever  before,  hi  the  bonds  of  common  rules  of 
legal  procedure.  "There  shall  not,'7  was  Cicero's 
prediction,  "be  one  law  at  Rome,  another  at  Athens; 
one  now,  another  hereafter;  but  among  all  nations 
and  in  all  time,  there  shall  obtain  a  law  one  and  the 
same."  *  Already  jurists  in  several  countries  have 
prepared  draft  codes,  looking  to  such  an  end.  The 
latest,  covering  over  a  thousand  pages,  combines 
the  project  of  a  world-law  and  a  world-government, 
through  an  international  legislative  and  judicial 
assembly.2  They  are  pushing  on  in  the  development 
of  theories  faster  and  farther  than  the  men  in  au- 
thority. But  it  is  from  private  citizens  that  one 
always  looks  for  the  initiative  in  law  reform  and 
political  progress.  They  propose  and  legislators 

1  "Non  erit  alia  lex  Romae,  alia  Athenis;  alia  nunc,  alia 
posthac;  sed  et  apud  omnes  gentes  et  omni  tempore,  una  eademque 
lex  obtinebit." 

*  New  Code  of  International  Law.  Jerome  Internoscia. 
New  York,  1910. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  99 

select.  The  function  of  selection  is  more  important 
than  that  of  suggestion,  and  the  faculty  of  dis- 
crimination which  it  demands  belongs  especially 
to  well-trained  minds.  Those  who  possess  them  will 
also  be  apt  to  have  the  courage  to  maintain  against 
all-comers  a  policy  once  deliberately  chosen. 

The  rapid  extension  during  recent  years,  of  the 
principle  of  arbitration  between  nations  by  standing 
treaties  is  due  almost  wholly  to  the  labors  of  men 
of  superior  education,  in  high  office. 

What  general  canons  of  conduct,  now,  should  be 
adopted  by  public  men,  whom  education  has  lifted 
above  the  ordinary  level  of  their  fellow  citizens? 
Such  an  one,  after  as  well  as  before  assuming  office, 
will  be  tolerant.  He  knows  that  there  is  good  in 
everything.  He  will  not  be  borne  away  by  mean 
suspicions.  He  will  not  hastily  attribute  bad  mo- 
tives to  political  opponents.  He  will  not  readily 
believe  that  they  are  defaulters,  or  conspirators  to 
achieve  some  scheme  of  public  plunder.  He  will  not 
be  apt  to  charge  upon  all  the  low  views  of  honesty 
that,  in  every  community,  characterize  a  few.  He 
will  not  be  always  blind  to  what  is  sound  in  business 
life  and  social  principles,  and  eager  only  to  discover 
that  which  is  unsound  and  unclean. 


100  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

A  dog  has  a  remarkable  sense  of  smell,  but  I  never 
saw  one  smell  a  flower.  He  is  interested  in  what  is 
rank  or  foul.  He  runs  with  his  nose  to  the  ground. 
There  are  men  who  act,  according  to  their  powers 
and  opportunities,  much  in  the  same  way.  There 
are  such  men  in  high  official  station.  But  rarely 
are  they  educated  men. 

Tolerance  has  its  limits.  There  are  unsavory 
things  that  cannot  safely  be  overlooked.  Class 
self-interest  is  one,  when  it  aims  to  serve  itself  at 
public  cost,  for  which  there  will  be  no  corresponding 
public  benefit. 

One  of  the  heaviest  responsibilities  of  official  life 
is  the  obligation  to  stand  up  against  the  pressure 
of  powerful  organizations  to  secure  special  favors 
and  privileges  by  law.  Such  organizations  have 
great  political  influence;  but  it  comes  largely  from 
the  unfounded  apprehensions  of  this  or  that  party 
manager,  who  overestimates  their  ability  to  control 
nominating  conventions,  or  the  votes  which  they 
can  command  on  election  day.  The  people  will  be 
found  on  the  side  of  any  public  man  who  makes  it 
clear  to  them  that  he  has  been  fighting  their  battles, 
by  opposing  the  struggle  of  a  class  to  profit  at  their 
expense. 

Public  officers  hi  America  act  under  a  peculiar 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  101 

responsibility  by  reason  of  the  universal  absolutism 
of  the  courts.  In  no  other  country  does  the  judiciary 
hold  as  important  a  place  as  in  the  United  States,  be- 
cause here  they  have  —  and  under  the  protection  of 
our  institutions  dare  to  exercise  —  the  immense 
power  of  declaring  statutes  unconstitutional  and 
therefore  void.  This  prerogative  belongs  equally 
to  the  judges  of  the  States  and  the  United  States. 
Any  State  Judge  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest 
can  declare  an  Act  of  Congress  unconstitutional  and 
refuse  to  enforce  it,  in  the  same  manner  in  which  he 
could  deal  with  a  statute  of  the  State,  though  subject 
to  ultimate  review  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 

The  bench  must,  therefore,  as  respects  its  higher 
positions,  be  filled  by  men  having  at  least  a  fair 
legal  education;  and  that,  under  modern  conditions, 
calls  for  instruction  in  much  that  would  once  have 
been  classed  among  what  we  have  named  "culture" 
subjects  of  study. 

But  judges  only  pass  upon  the  validity  of 
statutes  if  they  chance  to  be  relied  on  as  a 
ground  of  action  or  defence  in  some  pending  law 
suit.  Many  a  statute  stands  for  years  without 
being  thus  questioned.  Many  of  doubtful  con- 
stitutionality are  never  attacked  at  all.  The 


102  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

possibility  that  the  validity  of  any  and  every 
statute  may  be  some  day  challenged  in  court 
throws,  however,  a  peculiar  responsibility  on  the 
American  legislator.  He  is  himself  under  an  obli- 
gation, as  complete  as  that  resting  upon  the  judi- 
ciary, to  advocate  no  measure  which  contravenes 
the  Constitution.  He  must  study  every  proposition 
for  a  new  law  with  this  in  mind.  He  must  study  it 
also  with  relation  to  all  its  consequences. 

Particularly  is  this  true  of  propositions  to  amend 
one  of  our  American  Constitutions.  A  written 
Constitution  is  an  organic  and  harmonious  entirety. 
Whether  well-planned  or  ill-planned,  it  is  planned 
as  a  whole,  each  part  hi  respect  to  the  other  parts. 
It  cannot,  therefore,  be  substantially  altered  in 
any  direction  without  risk  of  its  being  thrown  out 
of  balance. 

An  unwritten  Constitution,  on  the  contrary, 
while  the  fruit  of  ages,  has  grown  up  unsymmetric- 
ally  and  almost  imperceptibly.  To  alter  it  is  simply 
to  continue  this  process.  We  Americans  have  a 
very  different  problem.  Our  constitutional  amend- 
ments must,  therefore,  be  more  carefully  con- 
sidered, and  with  reference  to  their  remote  effects, 
so  far  as  thgse  can  be  anticipated,  by  the  most 
diligent  thought  and  reflection. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  103 

Here  is  a  task  in  the  performance  of  which  the 
man  of  superior  education  in  a  legislative  body  has 
a  great  advantage,  particularly  if  he  have  that  great 
quality  of  a  statesman,  —  activity  of  imagination. 

He  can  anticipate  the  action  of  the  courts.  He 
can  stifle  a  wrong  at  its  inception. 

It  will  be  only  by  careful  examination  and  pains- 
taking inquiry.  The  indirect  consequences  of  any 
new  piece  of  legislation  are  far  more  numerous  and 
far  more  important  than  those  which  are  direct. 
Only  well-trained  minds  can  anticipate  many  of 
them.  And  the  highest  education  can  never  enable 
a  man  to  forecast  them  all. 

In  America  one  is  quite  sure  that  well-trained 
minds,  sooner  or  later,  will  trace  out  these  conse- 
quences. This  falls  to  our  Judges.  They  will  be 
quick  to  see  how  an  alteration  hi  one  of  the  rules 
of  law  may  affect  the  working  of  others,  because 
this  will  tell,  hi  determining  whether  the  new  statute 
does  or  does  not  square  with  the  constitutional 
guaranties  of  individual  right.  Often  its  effect 
will  be  found  such  as  to  produce  a  benefit  to  a  few 
at  the  cost  of  injustice  to  the  community.  He  who 
finds  this  out  first,  without  waiting  for  some  lawsuit 
to  develop  the  wrong,  has  won  a  place  among  public 
benefactors.  Still  more  of  a  benefactor  is  the 


104  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

member  of  a  legislature  who  perceives  the  imprac- 
ticability of  some  such  proposition,  before  it  can  take 
the  shape  of  law,  and  sees  to  it  that  it  is  rejected. 

Such  a  task  is  not  an  easy  one.  The  sponsors  of 
the  measure  will  be  ready  to  defend  it,  and  plausible 
reasons  for  adopting  it  will  probably  not  be  wanting. 
The  objector  has  not  the  spur  of  any  personal  end 
to  serve.  He  is  likely  to  be  a  busy  man,  with  little 
leisure.  It  is  to  such  men  that  the  duty  of  opposition 
particularly  appeals.  They  can  discharge  it  more 
rapidly  and  yet  more  effectively  than  any  others. 
Their  mental  machinery  works  smoothly,  and 
without  friction. 

Am  I  calling  for  time  and  thought  which  outrun 
the  powers  of  most  men,  whether  immersed  in  other 
business  or  not,  in  view  of  what  the  common  routine 
of  legislative  work  requires  of  all,  and  of  the  neces- 
sary duties  of  ordinary  life?  Taking  on  additional 
work  of  a  new  kind  is  often  the  best  relief  from  doing 
that  which  regularly  belongs  to  us.  Indeed,  is  it 
not  true  that,  when  a  man  is  found  complaining  of 
fatigue  from  overwork,  it  is  almost  always  not 
because  his  load  is  too  heavy  to  carry,  but  that  his 
methods  of  work  are  wrong?  The  busiest  man  is 
the  one  who  can  best  dispatch  the  most  business 
in  the  least  tune.  The  busier  the  public  man,  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  105 

more  readily  and  certainly  can  he  push  on  to  any 
end  he  has  in  view.  The  more  readily  also  can  he 
choose  his  ends,  and  reject  ends  proposed  in  selfish- 
ness or  ignorance  by  others.  He  can  penetrate 
shams  at  a  glance.  This  is,  in  great  part,  the  gift 
of  nature,  but  education  helps  anyone  to  discern 
realities  through  pretences. 

Measures  are  often  brought  forward  which  pro- 
fess one  purpose  to  achieve  another.  Educated 
men  ought  to  set  their  faces  against  lies  hi  the  shape 
of  laws.  Law  is  a  sacred  thing.  Human  law  should 
be  as  near  to  the  laws  of  physical  nature,  that  is,  of 
God,  in  simplicity,  directness,  certainty,  and  single- 
ness, as  things  of  human  make  can  be  to  things 
divine.  One  of  our  well-known  religious  newspapers 
said,  in  1911,  of  the  Federal  corporation  tax,  in 
commenting  on  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  affirming  its  validity,  "The 
law  was  frankly  passed  as  a  means  of  securing  pub- 
licity and  control  rather  than  as  an  income  bringer. 
It  was  intended  to  smooth  the  way  to  further 
legislation  of  supervision."  These  statements  are 
probably  true;  but  their  truth  reflects  on  the  stand- 
ards of  American  morals.  It  is  ethically  indefensible 
to  pass  a  law  for  one  purpose,  which  professes  quite 
another.  It  is  using  the  highest  power  of  sovereignty 


106  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

to  serve  false  pretences.  It  lowers  the  position  of 
the  sovereign  power  before  the  people.  It  tends  to 
foster  evasion  of  the  laws  and  distrust  of  the 
lawgiver. 

Has  office,  with  all  its  burdens  of  such  responsi- 
bilities, any  true  attractions  for  the  educated  man? 
To  none  has  it  more.  Human  happiness  is  to  be 
busy  over  things  serving  a  good  end,  that  one  likes 
to  do,  and  can  do  well.  To  be  able  to  render  a 
public  service  in  such  a  way  is  a  high  power,  and 
carries  a  high  pleasure.  Education  cannot  alone 
create  such  competence,  but  it  can  always  be  of 
help  in  attaining  it. 

It  also  aids  one  who  may  be  in  doubt  whether  to 
accept  or  decline  a  political  nomination.  It  shows 
him  the  reasons  on  both  sides.  It  makes  clearer 
what  there  is  in  it  to  attract,  and  what  there  is  in 
it  to  repel.  It  teaches  that,  in  these  respects,  there 
is  little  change  from  one  century  to  another. 

Public  office  is,  in  one  respect,  as  rewardful,  and 
in  another,  as  unrewardful  to  an  educated  American, 
as  it  ever  has  been,  or  as  it  ever  will  be.  Alexander 
Hamilton  wrote  of  it,  near  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,1  that  its  acceptance  was  a  pecuniary  sacri- 

1  Letter  of  May  2,  1797,  Works,  J.  C.  Hamilton's  Ed., 
VI,  244. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  107 

fice  to  a  successful  man  in  professional  life,  which  he 
could  not  long  be  warranted  in  making,  because  the 
opportunity  of  doing  good  was  too  small,  on  account 
of  "the  jealousy  of  power  and  the  spirit  of  faction." 
PoWer  is  no  more  the  object  of  jealousy,  and  there 
is  no  stronger  spirit  of  faction,  now  than  then.  In- 
deed one  can  hardly  doubt  that  there  is  less.  Wash- 
ington was  vilified  in  his  day  as  coarsely  as  any  of 
his  successors  have  been.  Party  antagonism,  in 
New  England  at  least,  when  Jefferson  succeeded 
Adams,  was  far  more  bitter  than  it  has  been  at  any 
time  during  the  last  generation. 

The  progress  of  world  culture,  the  spread  of 
altruism,  the  broadening  of  political  perspective  con- 
sequent on  modern  facilities  for  international  inter- 
course, all  make  for  less  asperity  in  political  contests, 
as  they  make  also  for  wider  opportunities  for  public 
usefulness  in  official  station.  The  whole  earth  is 
our  lesson-book  in  politics,  and  he  does  the  most 
who  reads  it  best.  The  power  of  reading  it  with 
understanding,  it  is  certain  that  intellectual  training 
helps  to  give.  This  is  the  constant  assurance  that 
sustains  the  educated  man  under  the  responsibilities 
of  official  station,  and  should  make  him,  were  there 
no  other  reason,  ready  to  assume  them,  if  occasion 
offers. 


108  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

The  heavier  those  responsibilities,  the  greater  is, 
or  should  be,  the  attraction  to  assume  them,  for 
they  will  give  more  surely  opportunities  for  public 
service.  To  the  educated  man,  then,  who  has  the 
public  good  at  heart,  there  is  something  to  a  high 
degree  inviting  in  a  position  of  large  political  power. 
Such  a  place  is  not  to  be  gained  at  a  bound.  It 
seldom  can  be,  and  never  should  be.  Service  in 
low  station  naturally  comes  before  service  in  high 
station,  and  is  the  best  preparation  for  it. 

The  natural  road  to  official  usefulness  and  official 
distinction  is  to  accept,  or  to  seek,  first,  positions 
of  service  on  party  committees,  or  hi  the  adminis- 
tration of  local  government,  bringing  no  compensa- 
tion, except  experience  and  the  sense  of  duty  done. 
The  faithful  and  intelligent  school  visitor,  or  juror, 
or  town  committee  man,  will  not  be  overlooked  by 
the  men  in  his  party,  when  they  wish  to  nominate 
a  strong  candidate  for  some  higher  place.  He  will 
also  get  into  that  practical  touch  with  men  and 
affairs  which  is  vitally  necessary  to  supplement  a 
college  education. 

Other  opportunities  for  mingling  intimately  with 
the  people  are  necessarily  incidental  to  holding  any 
conspicuous  public  station.  Whoever  is  in  such  a 
place,  if  he  have  in  any  degree  at  all  the  faculty  of 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  109 

public  speech,  and  few  educated  men  are  wholly 
without  it,  is  subject  to  constant  calls  to  appear  on 
the  platform,  or  take  part  in  celebrations  and  festivi- 
ties, of  any  and  every  kind.  They  furnish  part  of 
his  opportunity  for  public  service.  The  glamor  of 
office  excites  interest  in  what  he  says  and  doubles 
its  effect  on  the  community. 

If  he  be  a  man  of  education,  this  makes  him  a 
man  of  better  education.  Naturally  he  will  speak 
mainly  of  public  affairs,  and  having  to  speak  on 
them  from  a  position  which  assumes  more  knowledge 
of  their  character  and  bearings  than  most  men  have, 
he  is  put  on  serious  inquiry.  What  he  says  may  go 
far  on  the  wings  of  the  newspapers,  and  he  must 
feel  that  it  is  spoken  under  circumstances  that 
carry  no  light  responsibility. 

The  author  of  any  production  in  the  nature  of  a 
book  or  a  speech,  which  involves  previous  investiga- 
tions of  fact  or  considerations  of  scientific  principles, 
works  to  little  purpose  unless,  while  working,  he  has 
learned  more  than  he  has  been  able  to  tell.  Who- 
ever interests  himself  in  political  affairs,  and  gams  a 
position  of  influence  in  the  government  of  his  State 
or  country,  whether  it  be  influence  in  his  party  or 
in  the  actual  administration  of  public  functions,  is 
certain  soon  to  feel  that  he  has  entered  a  field  where 


110  TH£  RELATIONS  OF 

he  is  learning  more  than  he  can  ever  impart,  and 
more  of  good. 

No  man  of  letters  can  long  occupy  any  conspicu- 
ous public  station,  without  finding  that  he  has 
acquired  a  clearer  vision  of  political  theories.  He 
has  been  enabled  to  test  them  hi  real  transactions. 
He  learns  to  discern  better  their  vital  principles,  and 
so  their  probable  consequences.  He  naturally  in- 
clines to  study  how  measures  of  adminstration  here 
compare  with  those  of  foreign  countries,  and  he 
can  hardly  fail  to  find  such  study  helpful  and 
suggestive. 

If  he  have  any  taste  for  authorship  in  literature, 
he  may  find  in  these  ways  a  substantial  opportunity 
to  better  the  plan  of  government  in  which  he  has  a 
share.  A  bill  for  a  new  statute  may  grow  into  a 
book.  When  Turgot  was  the  Intendant  of  a  prov- 
ince, two  Chinese  students  attracted  his  attention, 
who  were  about  to  return  to  their  home  after  a 
period  of  study  under  French  instructors.  They 
sought  his  counsel,  and  he  took  the  trouble  to  write 
them  (in  1766)  a  letter  "on  the  Formation  and  Dis- 
tribution of  Wealth,"  which  was  the  foundation  of 
a  treatise  that  soon  took  its  place  as  one  of  the  great 
works  of  the  world  that  discuss  the  principles  of 
political  economy. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  111 

Yet  here  lies  a  danger,  also.  The  scholar  in  public 
life  is  under  some  temptation  to  give  time  to  the 
study  of  political  institutions,  which  belongs  to  the 
ordinary  routine  of  official  service.  His  mam  am- 
bition must  be  to  perform  the  necessary  duties  of 
his  position  well,  from  day  to  day.  That  comes  first. 

The  newspapers  tell  us  that  one  who  has  been  the 
President  of  the  United  States  said,  not  long  ago, 
that  the  good  of  occupying  that  position  was  in  the 
chance  it  gave  to  do  some  great  thing.  It  would 
seem  to  me  that  a  greater  good  was  to  be  found  hi 
doing  well  the  ordinary  things,  with  which  it  falls 
to  the  holder  of  that,  as  of  any  other  office,  to  deal. 
Whether  a  public  station  be  high  or  low,  it  has  its 
appropriate  work,  which  must  be  done,  most  of  it 
out  of  sight  and  little  understood  by  the  private 
citizen,  but  none  the  less  vital  to  the  public  interest. 

The  educated  man  in  public  station,  who  does 
justice  to  his  education,  will  never  fail  to  recognize 
the  equal  moral  value  of  every  act,  whether  it 
seem  great  or  small,  that  his  office  may  require  of 
him. 


112  THE  RELATIONS  OF 


THE  EDUCATED  MAN  AS  A  CREATOR  OF 
PUBLIC  OPINION 

THERE  are  two  kinds  of  public  opinion.  One  is 
self-produced  or  self-evident.  The  other  is  manu- 
factured. The  manufactured  kind  comes  largely 
from  newspaper  offices.  It  reflects  the  mind  of  the 
editor  or  proprietor.  It  represents  the  opinion 
which  he  wishes  to  prevail  and,  as  the  wish  is  always 
father  to  the  thought,  is  likely  to  think  to  be  really 
that  of  the  general  public.  Editorials,  no  doubt, 
are  among  the  causes  that  affect  and  create  public 
opinion,  but  their  influence  is  remote.  The  news- 
paper can  plow  the  ground  better  than  it  can  culti- 
vate it.  Like  the  work  of  the  advance  agent  of  a 
travelling  show,  the  forces  which  it  commonly  sets 
in  motion  are  soon  spent.  If  they  endure,  it  is  be- 
cause the  mind  of  the  people  has  been  really  caught 
and  expressed. 

The  editor  who  is  an  educated  man  is  most  apt 
to  succeed  in  such  a  way.  He  can  see,  through  the 
incidents  that  attend  and  often  obscure  strong 
popular  feeling,  what  is  vital  and  lies  deep  below 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  113 

them.  But  the  power  of  place  which  belongs  to  the 
editor  is  reserved  for  men  of  his  particular  profes- 
sion, of  whom  there  are  comparatively  few.  How 
does  education  help  men  in  other  callings  to  create 
sound  public  opinion  and  thus  contribute  to  the 
common  good? 

It  helps  them  often  most  when  they  are  uncon- 
scious of  pursuing  such  an  object.  Influences  for 
good  or,  it  may  be,  for  evil  in  matters  respecting 
civic  conduct,  and  public  legislation,  and  world- 
politics  radiate  out  from  every  educated  man, 
whether  he  will  or  no.  He  is  known  to  have  a  source 
of  power  within  him.  He  is  listened  to,  on  this 
account,  if  he  speaks  on  public  matters,  and  if  he 
keeps  silence,  he  will  be  asked  to  speak. 

I  do  not  refer  particularly  to  platform  speech. 
Few  have  the  gift  of  addressing  a  great  audience  hi 
such  a  way  as  to  make  any  real  impression.  But 
the  educated  man  who  possesses  that  gift  is  the 
keeper  of  a  great  treasure,  which  he  has  no  moral 
right  to  leave  unused. 

This  has  been  the  strength  of  parliamentary 
government  in  Great  Britain.  The  House  of  Lords 
has  always  been  mainly  composed  of  educated 
people,  —  educated  according  to  the  standards  of 
their  generation.  Men  of  similar  training  have 


114  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

generally  constituted  a  majority  of  the  House  of 
Commons  and  the  whole  of  the  ministry.  Debate 
is  a  more  important  factor  in  legislation  in  Eng- 
land than  with  us.  There,  the  executive  authori- 
ties of  the  nation  always  control  a  majority  of 
the  governing  body.  They  must  keep  this  con- 
trol, or  pass  out  of  office.  Consequently  they  must 
have  among  them  those  who  can  state  their  poli- 
cies clearly  upon  the  floor,  and  defend  them  with 
vigor. 

With  us,  where  the  President  of  the  United  States 
is  the  master  instead  of  the  servant  of  his  cabinet 
officers,  and  is  practicably  irremovable,  and  where 
Governors  are  expected  to  use  their  veto  power,  and 
none  have  yet  been  threatened  with  a  recall,  the 
power  of  the  orator  counts  for  less.  It  counts  for 
less,  and  the  power  of  the  pen  for  more. 

The  educated  American  finds  his  largest  oppor- 
tunities for  leading  public  opinion  in  the  ordinary 
intercourse  of  common  life.  Let  him  never  forget, 
for  one  thing,  when  he  talks  politics  with  a  neigh- 
bor, that  ours  is  a  system  of  representative  govern- 
ment. That  he  knows  to  be  the  invention  of  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race.  He  knows  also  that  it  was  the 
Anglo-American  race  that  gave  it  its  present  form, 
and  has,  therefore,  a  special  obligation  to  preserve 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  115 

it  from  degradation  or  corruption.  Parliament 
grew  slowly  from  a  House  of  Lords  into  two  houses, 
in  one  of  which  the  people  were  represented.  It 
was  still  largely  under  the  control  of  its  House  of 
Lords  when  American  government  began.  It  was 
still  making  few  laws,  when  the  American  colonies 
were  making  many.  It  is  still  making  few,  while 
the  American  States  are  making  many.  It  is  virtu- 
ally becoming  one  House,  —  the  House  of  the  People. 
It  is  thus  turning  England  from  a  republic  into  a 
democracy.  The  King  is  the  mere  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  the  whole. 

It  has  been  found  less  easy  to  democratize  re- 
publican government  in  the  United  States.  Our 
written  constitutions  stood  in  the  way.  Our  House 
of  Sovereign  States  rose  up  like  the  central  fortress 
within  a  medieval  city  —  a  castle  of  Edinburgh, 
a  citadel  of  republicanism. 

The  Americans  of  the  eighteenth  century  planned 
something  more  durable  than  the  English  Constitu- 
tion of  the  seventeenth  century,  —  the  Constitution 
under  which  their  ancestors  had  been  born,  and 
which  had  proved  inadequate  to  assure  their  liber- 
ties. It  is  one  of  the  responsibilities  of  our  edu- 
cated men  to  keep  this  fact  before  the  people,  and 
make  it  a  matter  of  common  pride  that  true 


116  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

representative  government  is  less  our  inheritance 
than  our  creation.  It  is  not  democratic  government. 
We  do  not  found  it  on  the  institutions  of  Greece  or 
Rome  or  medieval  Europe.  We  do  not  found  it  on 
English  institutions.  We  have  made  it  something 
new. 

Another  American  invention  is  the  referendum, 
introduced  here  in  1660. 1  It  first  appears  hi  early 
New  England,  but  under  careful  guard.  It  was  to 
apply  only  to  great  questions  of  public  order,  like 
the  making  or  amendment  of  a  social  compact  or 
constitution,  or  else  to  the  disposition  of  proposi- 
tions for  purely  local  measures  by  a  purely  local  vote. 
In  each  of  these  classes  of  cases,  those  to  whom 
the  decision  is  left  directly  are  presumably  con- 
versant with  the  main  reasons  for  and  against  the 
adoption  of  the  measure.  But,  when  made  to  serve 
the  purposes  of  ordinary  legislation,  the  referendum 
may  easily  be  misapplied.  The  pressure  of  recent 
years  for  such  extensions  of  it,  supplemented  by  the 
initiative  and  the  recall,  makes  for  what  in  principle 
is  un-American.  It  looks  towards  an  absolute 
democracy.  The  referendum  invokes  the  direct 
action  of  the  people,  instead  of  that  of  their  chosen 
representatives.  It  withholds  when  applied  to 
i  Colonial  Records  of  Conn.,  I,  346,  347. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  117 

matters  of  ordinary  legislation,  from  those  holding 
ultimate  political  power  all  opportunity  of  taking 
counsel  together  and  exchanging  views  in  a  face  to 
face  discussion.  It  destroys,  or  at  least  minimizes, 
the  sense  of  personal  responsibility  for  measures  of 
government. 

Do  the  people  generally  understand  all  that  these 
things  imply?  We  know  that  they  do  not,  and  it  is 
the  business  of  the  educated  man,  so  far  as  he  can, 
to  guide  them  to  such  an  understanding.  It  is  his 
solemn  duty  to  share  with  them  the  fruits  of  knowl- 
edge. The  educated  man  must  take  an  interest  in 
politics.  All  men  should,  but  of  all,  he  most,  because 
he  can  understand  them  best.  He  can  best  picture 
to  himself  and  to  his  fellows  the  probable  conse- 
quences of  bad  laws  and  bad  selections  for  office. 
His  imagination  is,  or  ought  to  be,  the  watchman  of 
the  State.  He  can  see  farther  than  others.  He 
can  interpret  appearances  and  forecast  the  future  as 
they  cannot.  He  has,  therefore,  an  opportunity 
to  do  much  in  giving  shape  to  sound  public  opin- 
ion, and  it  is  one  which  it  is  his  duty  actively  to 
improve,  if  a  citizen  of  a  country  where,  as  here, 
public  opinion  is  a  great  political  force.  A  Rus- 
sian might  be  pardoned  for  silence.  There  must 
be  a  public  —  a  people  —  with  political  authority, 


118  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

before  there  can  be  a  public  opinion  that  has  any 
real  power.1 

The  educated  woman  has  here  a  place  of  special 
opportunity.  Much  of  what  has  been  previously 
said,  ha  discussing  the  general  subject  under  con- 
sideration, applies  equally  to  her.  But  in  the  crea- 
tion of  public  opinion  women  have  more  power  than 
men.  They  have  the  training  of  the  next  generation 
at  the  stage  when  it  is  most  impressible.  The 
principles  which  are  then  instilled  soon  seem  innate. 

Women,  also,  in  the  mam,  create,  and  by  their 
innate  conservatism  preserve,  the  customs  of  the 
civilized  world.  These  are  largely  made  by  each 
generation  for  the  next. 

In  all  organized  society  there  are  two  forces,  con- 
stantly acting  against  the  individual:  that  of  the 
whole  social  organization  —  the  State,  —  and  that 
of  all  the  other  individuals,  whom  it  embraces.  The 
greater  the  compulsion  exercised  by  them,  the  less 
is  the  compulsion  which  it  can  be  necessary  for  the 
State  to  exercise.  The  body  of  law  varies  inversely 
as  the  body  of  custom.  Even  if  those  rules  not  pre- 
scribed by  law  are  unwise,  it  would  be  more  unwise 
for  the  State  to  undertake  to  alter  them  before  the 

1  See  Andrew  D.  White's  criticism  of  Seeley's  Life  of  Stein, 
Seven  Great  Statesmen,  301,  no 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  119 

mass  of  the  people  were  ready  to  consent  to  such  a 
change. 

Human  progress  is  through  changes  in  general 
customs.  What  we  have  learned  voluntarily  to 
relinquish,  or  have  become  satisfied  that  it  would  be 
better  to  relinquish,  we  easily  suffer  the  State  to 
forbid.  Public  opinion  thus  precedes  law  and 
limits  law. 

Never  has  this  been  shown  and  seen  more  clearly 
than  in  the  twentieth  century.  It  is  a  caricature 
of  modern  society  to  say  that  we  are  making  it  the 
age  of  the  crowd  and  the  demagogue.  It  is,  indeed, 
not  as  reflective  as  the  eighteenth  or  as  most  of  the 
nineteenth.  It  is  too  busy  in  action;  too  successful 
in  external  results;  too  apt  to  take  things  as  they 
come,  without  stopping  to  consider  how  we  can 
personally  respond  to  them.  The  crowded  city  is, 
however,  on  the  whole,  proving  itself  the  seat  of 
the  best  thought.  The  demagogue  is  suffered  only 
because  he  is  not  exposed.  He  escapes  because  the 
proper  guides  of  the  people  shirk  their  duty. 

A  truer  interpretation  of  this  age  for  Americans 
is  that  of  Professor  Royce,  who  found  in  it  one  "hi 
which  our  nation,  rapidly  transformed  by  the  oc- 
cupation of  new  territory,  by  economic  growth, 
by  immigration  and  by  education,  has  been  attempt- 


120  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

ing  to  find  itself  anew,  to  redefine  its  ideals,  to  retain 
its  moral  integrity,  and  yet  to  become  a  world 
power."  Such  times  are  the  transcendent  opportu- 
nity of  every  person  of  superior  education,  and 
corresponding  character. 

In  the  development  of  social  usages  and  conven- 
tions, the  principle  of  natural  selection  ultimately 
governs.  Those  best  adapted  to  the  place  and  time 
survive.  But  the  result  of  this  test  is  seen  too  late 
to  benefit  those  who  were  originally  called  on  to  give 
them  their  assent,  or  to  refuse  it.  The  educated 
man,  with  the  aid  of  history  and  sociology,  can  often 
anticipate  the  event.  By  predicting  it,  and  by  his 
ability  to  show  how  it  is  to  be  predicted,  he  may 
thus,  within  the  circle  of  his  influence,  render  a 
great  service  to  the  men  of  his  generation.  He  may, 
and  he  should.  His  power  is  the  measure  of  his  duty. 

His  obligation  is  not  lessened  because  the  ma- 
jority in  the  community  may  be  against  him.  The 
majority  are  always  led  by  a  minority.  An  aristoc- 
racy of  leadership  is  everywhere  inevitable.  The 
place  of  every  educated  man  is  among  the  leaders, 
not  the  followers. 

Out  of  every  four  hundred  children  who  receive 
the  ordinary  training  of  a  public  school,  only  one, 
on  the  average,  the  statisticians  say,  proceeds  to 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  121 

college  and  finishes  his  college  course.  He  has 
betrayed  the  opportunity  of  his  youth,  if  he  has  not 
gained  something  in  knowledge  and  power,  which 
the  three  hundred  and  ninety-nine  have  missed. 
He,  of  all  others,  must  do  his  own  thinking,  because 
he  has  been  best  taught  to  think. 

Those  who  come  under  his  influence  may  not 
always  follow  his  reasoning,  but  this  will  not  neces- 
sarily impede  the  acceptance  of  his  conclusions. 
Many  a  teacher  puts  his  thoughts  so  clearly  and  dis- 
tinctly in  order,  that  his  class  think  they  under- 
stand his  line  of  exposition,  even  if  they  do  not. 
They  have  imbibed  all  that  they  were  capable  of 
assimilating,  and  probably  do  well  to  take  the  rest 
on  faith.  It  will  be  so  with  the  people  as  a  whole. 
He  who  would  lead  them  to  new  opinions  must  do  his 
best  to  make  plain  to  them  what  is  plain  to  him,  and 
then  not  be  too  impatient  if  he  find  himself 
misunderstood  and  misrepresented. 

He  must  be  content  to  move  slowly,  and  not  con- 
tend for  too  much,  to  start  with.  So  far  as  he  can 
assent  to  the  current  doctrines  of  the  day  he  should 
let  his  assent  be  known.  He  has,  of  course,  no  right 
to  affirm  what  he  believes  to  be  untrue,  however 
widely  it  may  be  regarded  in  the  community  as 
incontestable.  Sarpi  may  have  been  right  when  he 


122  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

declared :  La  falsitd  non  dico  mai  mai,  ma  la  veritd 
non  a  ognuno.  We  do  not  persuade  men  to  follow 
us  by  telling  them  that  they  are  fools,  although 
such  they  be,  and  we  know  it.  But  we  can  attack 
a  particular  error  in  their  political  creed,  leading  to 
some  present  and  pressing  mischief,  without  feeling 
bound  to  tell  them  that  it  is  only  one  of  many  to 
which  they  are  equally  committed. 

The  mass  of  the  people  will  not  abandon,  as  a 
whole,  the  general  political  beliefs  current  in  their 
time.  They  will  not  listen  to  the  voice  that  pro- 
nounces them  all  unsound.  They  may  be  con- 
vinced that  some  of  them  are  unsound,  by  one 
who  confines  himself  to  attacking  those,  and  those 
only. 

Every  man  is  strongly  and  incessantly  drawn,  by 
the  influences  of  our  day,  towards  the  common 
standards  of  opinion  and  action.  As  he  is  drawn 
thitherwards,  he  is  carried  away  from  himself. 
For  most  men  this  is  probably  well.  Each  century 
in  modern  times  has  been  better  than  its  predeces- 
sors, and  to  stand  as  well  as  the  average  of  men  in 
your  community  in  the  twentieth  century  is,  com- 
paratively considered,  to  have  attained  some  meas- 
ure of  success.  But  what  is  right  for  most  men  is 
wrong  for  the  educated  man.  He  must  keep  ahead 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  123 

of  those  who  have  been  entrusted  with  less.  Con- 
formity with  the  mass  of  the  community  may  do 
for  them.  He  must  labor  to  make  the  mass  of  the 
community  conform  to  him. 

He  will  do  this  most  effectually,  who,  so  far  as 
may  be,  speaks  from  an  optimistic  standpoint  and 
encourages  an  optimistic  spirit  in  those  around  him; 
seeking  to  promote  public  confidence  in  the  sound- 
ness of  our  institutions,  and  no  less  to  allay  public 
distrust  of  honest  efforts  to  improve  them.  The 
man  who  has  really  profited  by  a  college  education 
will  not  have  failed  to  learn  that,  in  actual  life, 
extreme  views  are  seldom  pushed  to  their  logical 
outcome.  He  will  be  apt  to  hold  his  own,  if  he  has 
any,  in  reserve,  and  to  have  little  dread  of  the 
practical  results  of  those  of  others.  As  he  looks 
ahead,  he  will  see  no  lions  in  his  way. 

One  of  his  duties  will  be  to  protest  against  all 
exaggeration  of  national  perils.  Once  in  every  four 
years  an  occasion  for  such  exaggeration  occurs.  An 
expiring  administration  is  to  be  judged  by  the 
people.  There  will  be  platform  orators  who  can  see 
only  evil  in  what  it  has  accomplished,  and  others 
who,  with  equal  sincerity  or  lack  of  sincerity,  can 
see  no  evil  in  what  it  has  accomplished.  The  party 
newspapers  and  the  party  speakers  become  oriental 


124  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

in  their  style  of  expression.  They  deal  only  in 
superlatives. 

That  moderation  which  flows  from  education,  and 
runs  a  steady  course,  is  here  of  the  greatest  use. 
The  mass  of  the  people  are  always  distrustful  of 
extremists.  They  need  spokesmen  to  make  this 
distrust  known.  The  educated  American  may  be, 
and  ought  to  be,  such  a  spokesman.  He  must 
always  remember  that,  in  addressing  the  general 
public,  he  is  preaching  to  an  audience  with  a  keen 
instinct  of  right,  but  little  power  of  drawing  close 
distinctions,  —  with  feelings  easily  moved,  and, 
when  quickly  excited,  not  always  easy  to  control 
within  reasonable  bounds. 

Lecky  declares  that  emotion  is  taking  a  diminished 
place  in  modern  life.  If  this  be  so,  it  is  the  duty  of 
the  educated  man  to  do  what  he  can  to  arrest  the 
movement,  were  it  only  for  its  bearing  on  practical 
politics.  Public  sentiment  is  a  purer  source  of 
action,  or  a  source  of  purer  action,  than  knowledge 
or  even  wisdom.  It  is  God-made.  Happy  the  man 
or  woman  who  can  guide  it  in  right  paths,  be  it  in 
small  things  or  in  great. 

One  of  the  special  dangers  of  OUT  times  is  that 
great  riches  may  come  to  be  deemed  a  measure 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  125 

of  success  in  life.  The  millionaire  is  commoner 
in  the  United  States  than  in  any  other  quarter  of 
the  globe.  It  is  easier  to  become  one,  here  than  else- 
where. The  newspapers  are  full  of  their  doings. 
How  shall  public  opinion  regard  them?  How  can  it 
be  led  to  see  that  happiness  lies  in  quite  a  different 
direction?  No  one  can  preach  with  so  much  effect 
as  the  educated  man  the  good  of  living  content  with 
a  moderate  income.  He  knows,  as  no  other  can,  how 
little  the  possession  of  the  greatest  enjoyments  of 
life,  moral,  intellectual,  or  physical,  depend  on 
wealth.  They  are  for  every  man  who  has  health, 
industry,  temperance,  and  thrift.  The  struggle  to 
accumulate  a  great  fortune  belongs  to  an  age  with 
no  ideals  beyond  barbaric  splendor,  or  one,  like 
ours,  where  it  is  the  excitement  of  the  struggle  that 
is  its  real  reward. 

The  man  whose  main  capital  is  his  education  can 
insist  on  these  things  with  effect,  for  he  carries,  or 
ought  to  carry,  the  proof  in  himself. 

For  one  thing,  be  he  rich  or  poor,  it  has  made 
him  a  citizen  of  the  world. 

The  educated  American  stands  at  the  center  of 
three  circles  of  social  duty.  The  State  throws  her 
circle  about  him.  He  owes  her  allegiance.  He  owes 
to  her  people,  in  most  respects,  his  first  duty.  The 


126  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

next  circle,  of  the  United  States,  is  again  a  field 
of  allegiance,  and  of  broader,  though  remoter, 
opportunity  for  benefit  and  benefiting.  Widest  of 
all  comes  the  circle  of  the  world.  Here  allegiance, 
in  its  strictest  sense,  is  absent;  but  the  obligations 
of  a  common  humanity  are  strengthening  with 
every  century,  and  never  faster  than  now. 

There  has  come  to  be  a  certain  feeling  of  brother- 
hood between  nations,  or  at  least  the  beginning 
of  it. 

No  insignificant  event  in  world-history  is  the 
recent  establishment  at  the  Hague  of  a  "  Foundation 
for  the  Promotion  of  Internationalism."  It  is  at 
present  addressing  itself  only  to  the  study  of  the 
subject  with  reference  to  a  few  particular  sciences, 
but  its  scope  is  universal.  Already  it  has  taken  an 
active  share  in  establishing  there,  with  the  aid  of 
the  government  of  the  Netherlands,  three  permanent 
bureaus  of  international  co-operation;  one  that  of 
the  International  Congress  of  Medicine;  another 
that  of  the  International  Federation  of  Pharmacy; 
and  the  third  that  of  the  International  Institute  of 
Statistics. 

That  a  State  exists  for  the  good  of  its  people  is, 
under  the  clear  light  of  our  day,  seen  to  be  true  only 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  127 

when  a  broad  view  is  taken  of  what  is  their  good. 
Each  citizen  of  that  State  is  also  a  member  of 
human  society.  Nothing  is  for  his  good  which 
brings  evil  to  all  other  men,  except  those  of  his  own 
country.  All  these  other  men,  as  soon  as  they  felt 
such  an  evil  and  knew  its  source,  would  unite  to 
put  an  end  to  it;  and  they  would  succeed  by  force 
of  numbers. 

The  French  Revolution  brought  in  the  watchword 
of  Liberty,  Equality,  Fraternity;  but  it  was  a 
watchword  to  signify  the  true  relations  of  fellow 
citizens  under  the  same  government.  Of  late,  it 
has  been  more  and  more  clearly  seen,  as  we  set  our 
faces  towards  the  Future,  that  nations,  in  their 
relations  with  other  nations,  are  coming  to  own  the 
possibility  of  making  some  such  cry  the  voice  of  the 
world.  It  is  no  longer  the  poets  only  who  predict 
the  time  when 

"  Nation  with  nation,  land  with  land, 
Unarmed  shall  live,  as  comrades  free." 

The  spread  of  commerce,  ocean  telegraphy,  the 
aeroplane,  the  multiplication  of  international  con- 
ferences and  bureaus  of  a  private  as  well  as  of  a 
public  nature,  the  growing  use  in  the  Orient  of 
Western  languages  and  customs,  the  common  basis 


128  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

of  university  teaching,  due  to  the  interchange  of 
instructors  between  different  countries,  and  the 
increasing  number  at  all  the  great  universities  of 
students  coming  from  foreign  lands,  all  tend  to 
unify  the  ideas  and  standards  of  the  world,  and  so 
to  remove  the  causes  of  war.  It  has  always  come 
largely  from  differences  of  national  ideas  and  stand- 
ards. Cousin  puts  this  strongly  in  his  history  of 
philosophy.  In  each  epoch,  he  says,  some  one  world 
power  has  dominated  the  rest,  and  it  has  done  so 
because  it  represented  the  national  idea  most  in 
accord  with  the  general  spirit  of  the  epoch.  When- 
ever it  no  longer  represented  it  best,  its  leadership 
ceased;  and  it  ceased  also  when  this  national  idea 
gave  place  to  another,  which  in  turn  best  reflected 
the  time-spirit,  and  which  some  other  nation  best 
interpreted  and  made  its  own.  But  it  did  not  sur- 
render its  hegemony  without  a  struggle;  and  that 
struggle  was  war. 

This  had  much  truth  in  it,  when  it  was  written. 
But,  happily  for  us,  history  since  the  first  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century  has  taken  on  a  new  shape. 
The  professed  ideals  of  all  civilized  nations  are — 
in  the  higher  ranges  of  thought  and  action  —  al- 
most indentical.  Italy  thought  it  necessary  on 
seizing  Tripoli,  to  justify  her  action  in  a  despatch 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  129 

from  her  foreign  office  to  a  New  York  newspaper. 
The  world  would  not  have  been  surprised  a  thousand 
years  ago,  or  two  hundred  years  ago,  by  such  an 
act  on  the  part  of  a  Christian  power  against  a 
Mahometan  power.  This  is  because  of  a  change  of 
view-point.  World  morals  have  improved.  Edu- 
cation in  civil  and  religious  liberty  has  improved 
them,  and  improved  them  in  the  same  directions. 

It  is  in  the  power  of  every  educated  man  to  do 
something  to  push  on  this  movement  towards  world 
unity.  He  is  a  citizen  of  the  republic  of  letters. 
As  such,  he  can,  for  one  thing,  exert  a  powerful 
influence  by  joining,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  un- 
official international  conferences,  so  many  of  which 
are  now  held  every  year,  to  discuss  matters  of 
scientific,  literary,  religious,  or  economic  concern.1 
The  topics  considered  are  only  those  in  respect  to 
which  there  is  a  possibility  of  agreement  and  a 
certainty  of  exchanging  valuable  information.  An 
opportunity  is  offered  by  each  for  forming  personal 
friendships  with  thinking  men  of  many  lands. 

Such  gatherings  of  those  interested  in  legal  or 
political  science  lead  also  to  the  study  of  foreign 

1  See  article  on  The  International  Congresses  and  Con- 
ferences of  the  last  Century  as  Forces  Working  toward  the 
Solidarity  of  the  World,  in  the  American  Journal  of  Interna- 
tional Law  for  July,  1907. 


130  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

systems  of  government  and  the  foundations  of 
citizenship,  with  an  open  mind.  Are  we  sure,  for 
instance,  that  some  other  nations  may  not  have 
comprehended,  better  than  we,  the  character  of  law? 
The  American,  with  his  inherited  love  for  govern- 
ment by  laws  and  not  by  men,  finds  it  difficult  to 
accept  the  general  European  view  that  the  opinion 
of  a  great  jurist  on  a  doubtful  point  is  of  more 
weight  than  the  judgment  of  the  highest  court;  and 
that  the  authority  of  a  statute  does  not  really  rest 
on  the  assent  of  the  people,  formally  given,  by  their 
proper  representatives,  so  much  as  on  its  intrinsic 
reasonableness. 

The  international  conference,  official  or  un- 
official, is  the  creation  of  the  last  hundred  years. 
It  is  an  institution  which  has  steadily  grown  in 
significance,  and  to  Americans  particularly  since 
the  close  of  our  Civil  War. 

Buckle  long  ago  remarked  that  better  systems  of 
internal  communication  bring  in  new  ideas.  Still 
more  is  this  true  of  the  better  systems  of  inter- 
national communication,  which  are  the  product 
of  the  last  half  century.  They  open  new  fields  of 
influence  to  the  common  labors  of  the  educated 
men  of  all  lands,  who,  as  they  take  daily  part  in 
what  we  may  term  international  life,  are  in  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  131 

very  thought  of  it  led  always  higher.  An  inter- 
national life  which  has  its  correspondence  with  the 
whole  world  —  the  whole  universe  so  far  as  we  know 
it  —  must  draw  from  the  universal,  the  eternal, 
the  divine,  if  it  would  frame  rules  of  conduct  that 
are  adequate  to  its  environment. 

The  thoughtful  discipline  of  years  has  taught 
the  educated  man  that  there  is  nothing  local  or 
geographical  hi  truth,  and  that  lines  between  nations 
mean  little  to  one  who  has  faith  in  what  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  the  first  to  assert  as  the  ruling 
principle  of  life  —  the  brotherhood  of  man  and  the 
fatherhood  of  God.  Such  an  one  occupies  a  position 
of  detachment  from  his  times.  He  belongs  to  them. 
He  feels  their  influence.  He  is  powerless  to  escape 
it.  But  he  belongs  to  something  greater.  He  is 
a  citizen  of  that  world  which  has  been  evolved  in 
slow  course  of  countless  ages,  and  understands,  as 
can  no  one  else,  how  the  present  hangs  upon  the 
past. 

World-opinion  is  a  composite  of  the  opinions 
of  many  peoples.  The  highest  point  of  human 
achievement  is  to  lead  it,  provided  it  be  led  towards 
the  Right.  How  best  to  do  this,  and  what  the  task 
really  means,  the  higher  education  ought  to  teach. 

Public   opinion,    national   or   international,    has 


132  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

its  laws.  It  responds  to  enlightenment.  It  some- 
times deserves  censure,  and  when  it  does,  no  one 
can  be  so  able  to  pronounce  a  judgment  that, 
whether  followed  or  not,  will  be  respected,  as  the 
educated  man. 

College  prepares  him  for  such  a  service.  In  its 
little  world  of  social  ambitions,  of  warm  rivalries, 
of  settled  usages,  of  detachment  from  outside 
interests,  the  student,  whatever  else  he  may  have 
received  or  failed  to  receive,  has  been  trained  under 
the  domination  of  public  opinion,  and  taught  to 
respect  it.  He  has  been  one  of  a  society  which 
acknowledged  its  rightful  rule.  It  has  been  in  some 
respects,  probably,  ill  founded,  narrow,  antiquated. 
If  so,  let  us  hope  that  he  has  had  the  manliness  to 
insist  on  its  limitations.  The  student  who  has 
ventured  to  question  a  college  tradition  has  under- 
taken a  task  beside  which  that  of  combating,  in 
maturer  days,  the  traditions  of  a  party  or  a  people 
often  seems  light. 

Through  what  channels  of  approach  can  the  public 
mind  be  best  made  to  respond  to  the  influences  of 
the  higher  learning?  Whether  it  be  as  to  what 
concerns  local,  or  national,  or  international  affairs, 
the  surest,  though  not  the  fastest  means  of  in- 
fluencing public  opinion  is  monopolized  by  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  133 

educated.  It  is  that  incident  to  the  work  of  in- 
structing students  at  school  and  college.  No  true 
teacher  will  fail  to  seize  that  opportunity. 

There  is  another  open  to  all,  but  much  less  used, 
in  quite  the  opposite  direction.  A  class,  almost 
neglected  in  this  respect,  but  which  it  is  of  high 
importance  to  reach,  in  seeking  to  diffuse  sound 
political  ideas,  is  that  of  the  old  men.  They  have 
most  of  the  property.  It  is  the  stronghold  of  their 
position  in  life.  It  gives  them  power  in  their  family, 
and  power  in  the  community.  The  weight  of  taxes 
on  capital  falls  directly  on  them,  and  though  they 
throw  off  most  of  it  on  others,  they  do  so  for  the 
most  part  unconsciously.  Their  natural  tendencies 
are  all  towards  avoidance  of  new  public  expendi- 
tures and  general  adherence  to  old  ways  and  old 
institutions. 

One  of  Joubert's  most  striking  "Pensees"  is 
that  "En  ttevant  un  enfant,  il  faut  songer  a  sa 
vieillesse."  The  professional  educator  may  well  re- 
member this,  but  others  should  also.  There  is  no 
educated  man  who  is  not  himself  an  educator,  every- 
where and  always.  He  too  should  not  forget  his 
duty  to  the  old,  and  his  opportunity,  by  addressing 
them  in  the  right  way,  to  bring  their  great  influence 
to  bear  on  public  questions  in  the  direction  where 


134  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

he  believes  such  influence  is  needed  for  the  general 
good.    They  have  the  leisure  to  hear  him. 

Bartsch,  in  one  of  his  plays,  pictures  a  little  city 
in  a  sunny  valley,  where  there  are  many  old  men 
who  are  enjoying  their  last  days  in  a  state  of  rest, 
"und  Zeit,  Zeit  haben."  He  makes  them  give  their 
time  to  the  life  of  illusion  and  ideals,  offered  by 
art.  But  it  ought  not  to  be  too  difficult,  by  the 
right  arguments,  to  convince  such  an  one  that  in 
honor  and  duty  he  is  bound  to  give  his  strength,  so 
far  as  it  remains,  to  the  true  and  the  actual.  When 
the  struggle  for  bread  is  over,  and  bread  assured, 
there  are  many,  and  there  should  be  more,  to  whom 
the  duty  of  altruistic  life  comes  home,  with  the 
opportunity  to  adopt  it. 

This  duty  of  the  educated  man  to  appeal  to  the 
old  grows  stronger  with  every  year  of  his  active  life, 
because  each  brings  him  nearer  to  the  age  of  those 
whose  ear  he  hopes  to  get.  He  becomes  closest 
to  them  when  he  is,  at  last,  one  of  them,  and  then 
is  his  opportunity  for  such  service  greatest.  The 
old  man  who  stands  for  old  methods  will  always 
find  a  ready  audience  in  his  own  class.  He  will  be 
listened  to  and  put  forward  by  a  larger  class,  if  he 
stands  for  new  methods.  He  ought  not  to  lose  his 
interest  in  public  questions,  because  they  cannot 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  135 

concern  him  long.  If  education  has  given  him  power, 
it  is  precisely  because  his  years  are  few  that  he  is 
bound  to  use  it,  as  he  may  have  opportunity,  for 
the  public  benefit.  A  long  life  has  certainly  brought 
him  variety  of  knowledge.  Its  fitting  close  is  to 
use  it  for  others'  good.  The  old  man  who  is  ready 
and  able  to  do  this  is  only  fulfilling  a  natural  obliga- 
tion, and  as  he  does  it,  he  can  say  with  Jowett  that 
"the  last  ten  years  of  life  are  the  best,  for  they  are 
the  freest  from  care,  the  freest  from  illusions,  and 
the  fullest  of  experience." 

The  duty  of  the  university  graduate  to  do  his 
part  in  shaping  public  opinion  as  to  the  conduct  of 
public  affairs  is  more  important  now  than  in  former 
ages,  because  the  influence  of  education  on  the  dis- 
position of  political  questions  is  more  personal, 
less  corporate,  than  once. 

The  conception  of  its  worth  and  authority  in 
such  matters,  which  led  to  the  representation  of  the 
two  great  English  universities  in  Parliament,  and 
of  William  and  Mary  College  in  the  Virginia  House 
of  Burgesses,  has  given  way  to  theories  of  a  more 
purely  popular  representation.  The  authority  to 
speak  for  a  university  is  now  limited  to  expressions 
concerning  university  problems  alone.  Time  was 


136  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

when  universities  were  not  seldom  officially  consulted 
by  governments  as  to  the  nature  of  rules  affecting 
matters  of  State,  and  a  response  given  which  was 
ex  cathedra,  but  the  eighteenth  century  witnessed 
the  abandonment  of  this  practice  forever.1 

The  university  man  in  the  United  States  owes  it 
to  his  country  to  do  whatever  is  in  his  power  to 
cultivate  a  public  opinion  carrying  popular  trust 
hi  our  judicial  institutions.  Here  one  distinction 
between  our  government  and  all  others  cannot  be 
too  often  explained  or  too  strongly  insisted  on. 

With  us,  our  courts  virtually,  though  indirectly, 
are  part  of  and  control  our  political  machinery; 
though  for  the  most  part  only  in  settling  contro- 
versies between  private  individuals.  Justice,  in 
American  government,  means  legal  justice.  It  does 
not  mean  social  justice,  unless  it  be  also  legal.  Here 
our  written  Constitutions  set  the  United  States 
apart  from  all  other  nations.  If  Germany  wishes 
to  compel  employers  to  compensate  their  workmen 

1When,  in  championing  the  Catholic  Disabilities  Repeal 
Act,  in  1791,  William  Pitt  desired  information  as  to  whether 
a  Roman  Catholic's  allegiance  to  the  Pope  came  before  his 
allegiance  to  his  country,  and  sought  it  in  leading  uni- 
versities of  Spain  and  France,  it  was  by  application  to 
particular  members  of  their  faculties  for  their  individual 
opinion. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  137 

for  any  injury  suffered  in  the  course  of  the  employ- 
ment, it  finds  no  obstacle  to  its  doing  so  by  a  new 
statute.  But  such  legislation  here  must  be  judged 
by  certain  constitutional  standards,  and  it  is  for 
the  courts  ultimately  to  apply  the  test.  The  edu- 
cated man  must  impress  on  the  common  people 
at  large  this  fact,  and  that  if  they  find  it  one  in- 
convenient to  reckon  with,  their  efforts  should  be 
not  so  much  to  devise  new  statutes  as  to  change 
their  Constitutions. 

It  has  been  found  next  to  impossible  to  amend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  unless  in 
some  time  of  profound  national  upheaval.  With 
the  State  Constitutions  it  is,  and  it  should  be,  other- 
wise. Each  of  them  concerns  a  comparatively 
small  body  of  people,  living  in  close  intercourse 
with  each  other,  and  having  in  the  mam  common 
interests  and  traditions. 

The  man  of  education  should  look  to  it  that  the 
people  of  his  State  appreciate  the  fact  that,  as  to 
by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  law  that  governs  their 
mutual  relations,  it  is  always  in  their  power  to  change 
it  in  a  year  or  two,  either  by  legislation  or  constitu- 
tional amendment.  They  can  make  and  remake 
their  own  government.  The  power  of  every  official 
is  what  they  choose  to  give  him.  If  it  be  too  great, 


138  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

the  fault  is  theirs.  If  it  be  too  small,  the  fault  also 
is  theirs. 

Public  opinion  should  be  led  to  support  the  plac- 
ing of  large  authority  in  the  executive  department 
of  government.  Every  year  that  passes  shows  more 
clearly  how  all-important  this  is,  for  the  mainten- 
ance of  social  order.  It  is  demanded,  if  by  nothing 
else,  by  the  increased  and  increasing  intelligence  of 
the  people.  Ages  of  popular  education  are  likely 
to  be  ages  of  increased  political  activity.  The 
State  will  be  pressed  to  take  more  upon  itself.  It 
will  thus  antagonize  those  whom  it  displaces.  The 
antagonisms  may  be  sharp.  If  so,  there  will  be  a 
greater  call  for  force  to  support  the  new  social  order. 
Force  may  sometimes  be  met  by  force; —  the  col- 
lective force  of  all  by  the  collective  force  of  a  part. 
What  public  sentiment  before  regulated  or  repressed 
must  now  be  overcome  by  sterner  methods.  They 
must  be  used  with  a  wisdom  and  an  effectiveness 
proportioned  to  the  intelligence  of  those  against 
whom  they  are  directed. 

John  C.  Calhoun  said  that  the  time  of  trial  for 
our  country  would  come  when  all  the  people  were 
fully  educated.  It  had  been  proved  to  be  possible 
to  govern  the  ignorant,  by  means  of  a  republic. 
It  would  be  a  new  problem  of  free  government, 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  139 

when  it  came  to  deal  with  those  who  all  knew  as 
much  as  those  who  bore  rule  over  them. 

There  are  those  who  claim  that  under  such  con- 
ditions Gresham's  law  is  as  valid  in  education  as  hi 
finance.  As  Dr.  Flexner  has  put  it,  in  a  recent 
publication  of  the  Carnegie  Foundation  for  the 
Advancement  of  Teaching,  in  a  community  over- 
stocked with  physicians,  the  inferior  medium  tends 
to  displace  the  superior. 

To  me  the  reverse  seems  true.  A  people  may,  as 
a  whole,  be  over-educated,  but  the  best  educated 
of  them  will  be  those  to  whom  the  most  will  turn 
for  help  in  matters  of  real  importance,  and  from 
whom  public  opinion  is  most  likely  to  take  its  color. 

The  best  educated  will  often  do  the  highest 
service  in  advocating  halfway  measures.  They 
are  seldom  popular,  but  they  are  often  the  wisest. 

The  ordinary  man  has  a  poor  sense  of  proportion. 
He  is  too  apt  to  be  an  extremist,  without  knowing  it. 
He  must  be  shown,  among  other  things,  how  much 
is  lost  by  going  too  far  and  doing  overmuch  in  this 
line  or  in  that. 

He  must  be  made  to  feel  also  that  party  plat- 
forms have  their  limitations,  and  that  every  plank 
in  them  may  not  be  equally  sound  and  substantial. 
The  natural  tendency,  under  a  system  of  representa- 


140  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

tive  government,  is  to  put  too  much  faith  in  political 
parties.  Few  thinking  men  can  approve  every 
measure  to  which  their  party  may  commit  itself. 
But  the  place  of  the  educated  man,  nevertheless, 
is,  I  believe,  generally  to  be  found  in  the  party  with 
which  he  finds  himself  most  nearly  in  agreement. 
He  gets  a  backing  there  which  makes  his  influence, 
on  the  whole,  count  for  far  more. 

The  last  half  century,  in  political  matters,  has 
steadily  marched  away  from  Individualism.  Proba- 
bly the  march  has  not  been  wholly  for  good.  The 
feeling  of  individual  responsibility  has  been  weak- 
ened. Individual  initiative  has  been  repressed. 
Individual  freedom  has  been  limited  at  more  and 
more  points.  A  narrowing  of  the  circle  of  indi- 
vidual rights  in  all  directions  is  evident.  Suffrage 
itself  has  been  fettered  and  circumscribed  by  the 
introduction  of  direct  primaries  and  complicated 
ballots. 

But  whether  we  think  these  movements  well- 
judged  or  not,  and  whether  the  collectivism  of 
party  is  or  is  not  to  be  preferred  to  the  individualism 
of  the  independent  voter,  it  is  hardly  to  be  doubted 
that  there  is  another  field  in  which  individualism 
is  an  obstacle  to  progress.  It  is  the  field  of  associated 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  141 

effort  by  private  citizens  for  promoting  public  ends 
unconnected  with  party  questions. 

Much  more  can  be  accomplished,  in  influencing 
public  opinion  in  a  particular  direction,  by  a  society 
of  individuals,  acting  collectively,  than  by  all  its 
members,  acting  each  for  himself.  If  the  initiative 
be  left  to  each,  there  will  be  no  common  plan  to 
pursue,  —  no  common  points  towards  which  to 
struggle.  The  great  end  in  view  may  be  settled  and 
recognized  by  all.  But  as  to  the  lines  to  choose, 
best  leading  up  to  it,  there  will  be  no  harmony  of 
design. 

We  must  recognize,  then,  a  duty  of  the  educated 
man  to  promote  associated  effort  of  this  kind  for 
good  ends.  Here  as  everywhere,  however,  he  must 
act  with  moderation,  and  advise  with  care.  We  all 
know  how  many  organized  and  officered  associa- 
tions there  are  or  have  been,  professedly  aiming  to 
stir  public  opinion  and  promote  the  public  interests 
in  one  way  and  another,  but,  in  fact,  absolutely 
superfluous.  What  is  their  general  history?  Al- 
most always  it  is  this.  A  few  ardent  and  hopeful 
spirits  promoted  the  original  formation  of  the 
society.  They  prepared  its  constitution  and  by- 
laws, —  usually  far  too  lengthy.  They  got  up  the 
first  meeting,  keeping  themselves  in  the  background, 


142  THE  RELATIONS  OF  >* 

and  putting  forward  some  figure  heads  of  greater 
distinction.  A  few  years  pass  and  the  society  has 
vanished,  not  because  its  ends  were  not  good,  but 
because  its  members  threw  what  was  their  burden 
on  its  officers,  and  they  in  turn  passed  it  over  to 
hired  agents,  or  perhaps  because  some  other  associa- 
tion was  found  to  have  been  already  doing  the  same 
work  sufficiently  well.  Or  if  it  survives,  it  has 
sunk  into  a  receptacle  for  annual  contributions, 
which  get  no  farther  than  the  pocket  of  a  paid  secre- 
tary, who  magnifies  his  office  but  not  its  fruits. 

Many  a  society  for  the  promotion  of  philanthropic 
causes  and  altruistic  public  sentiment,  lives  on  what 
it  gets  from  educated  men  who  are  too  indolent  to 
inquire  how  the  annual  dues  are  spent.  Often,  if 
they  would  take  the  trouble  to  investigate,  they 
would  find  that  it  had  long  outlived  its  usefulness, 
and  was  engaged  in  the  hopeless  effort  to  manufac- 
ture public  sentiment  by  proxy.  Every  such  scheme 
of  public  service,  as  Emerson  has  said,  naturally 
tends  to  become  a  job. 

The  power  of  those  of  superior  intellectual  training 
to  shape  public  opinion  has  not  grown  in  proportion 
to  the  general  advancement  of  human  knowledge. 
This  general  advancement  has  been  so  rapid  and 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  143 

extensive  that  few  can  hope  to  keep  pace  with  it. 
The  rest  are  content  to  concentrate  and  localize 
their  studies. 

The  man  whom  the  twentieth  century  counts  as 
a  scholar  is  therefore,  in  some  respects,  less  fitted 
to  lead  the  opinion  of  the  community  than  were 
educated  men  in  previous  ages.  His  education  has 
covered  less  ground.  If  he  be  not  what  we  term 
a  specialist,  he  has  some  of  the  limitations  of  one. 
The  spirit  of  our  times,  in  university  circles  at  least, 
looks  on  high  scholarship  in  a  particular  field,  as 
entitled  to  more  respect  than  high  attainments  in 
general  knowledge.  But  the  world  at  large  does  not 
look  for  leaders  in  world  government  from  great 
scholars  in  any  particular  science.  It  wants  "  all- 
round"  men,  more.  They  can  do  it  more  good, 
because  they  know  more  of  things  in  general,  even  if 
in  any  particular  subject  they  may  be  comparatively 
deficient.  Their  sympathies  are  wider.  The  man 
with  but  one  idea  is  never  popular.  Few  care  to 
hear  him  talk  twice.  Queen  Victoria  said  of  Lord 
John  Russell,  that  he  would  be  better  company,  if 
he  had  a  third  subject,  but  he  was  interested  in 
nothing  but  the  Constitution  of  1688  and  himself.1 
The  public  man  who  is,  at  heart,  devoted  to 
1  Proceedings  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  XVIII,  147. 


144  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

nothing  but  personal  ambitions  or  gains  is  soon 
detected.  The  public  are  not  interested  in  advanc- 
ing his  fortunes  or  listening  to  his  counsels. 
Education  may  help  him  for  a  time,  but  not 
for  long,  in  influencing  public  opinion  in  direc- 
tions especially  benefiting  himself,  or  to  advance 
the  particular  interests  of  some  class  in  the  com- 
munity to  which  he  may  belong,  or  which  he  desires 
to  favor. 

To  use  his  powers  thus,  for  promoting  the  good  of 
one  man  or  one  class  at  the  cost  of  the  rest  of  the 
people,  whatever  be  the  motive,  is,  of  course,  to 
violate  his  obligations  to  his  country.  Nor  can  what 
he  may  accomplish  endure.  A  public  opinion  rooted 
in  selfishness  or  class  interest  may,  at  times,  be  held 
by  a  majority  of  the  voters,  or  of  those  of  them  who 
care  to  vote.  But  a  small  majority  differs  little 
from  a  large  minority;  nor  is  a  large  majority  of  all 
the  voters,  even  where  woman's  suffrage  prevails, 
ever  a  majority  of  the  people.  The  children  will 
outnumber  their  parents.  The  children  are  those 
upon  whom  the  burden  of  class  privilege  or  any  other 
form  of  bad  legislation  will  be  apt  to  fall  most 
heavily.  It  prepares  the  conditions  under  which 
they  are  to  enter  on  active  life.  It  determines,  so 
far  forth,  whether  they  are  to  have,  as  between 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  145 

themselves,  an  equal  chance.    Any  wrong  to  them 
they  will  right  in  due  season. 

Nor,  although  the  public  opinion,  for  the  time 
being,  of  the  voters  run  in  an  overwhelming  current, 
will  it  endure,  even  for  the  life  of  the  generation 
which  holds  it,  if  it  be  fundamentally  unjust.' 
Against  such  a  current,  the  educated  man  must 
stand  in  his  place,  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  sus- 
tained by  the  steady  faith,  which  his  education 
should  assure,  in  the  correcting  influence  of  time. 


146  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

VI 
THE  SPIRIT  OF  CHRISTIAN  CITIZENSHIP 

THE  terms  of  any  foundation  established  in  per- 
petuity for  educational  ends,  must  be  interpreted, 
in  every  age,  with  some  regard  to  the  spirit  of  that 
age.  What  is  the  Christian  citizenship,  which  the 
founder  of  this  lecture  course  may  thus  be  taken 
to  have  had  hi  mind,  in  planning  for  an  annual 
reiteration  of  the  duties  that  are  attached  to  it? 

The  twentieth  century  has  accepted,  without 
reservation,  some  points  of  philosophy  which  were 
treated  as  doubtful  in  the  nineteenth.  The  doctrine 
of  evolution  has  thus  come  to  occupy  an  assured 
place  in  the  thought  of  the  world,  and  time  once 
given  to  attacking  or  defending  it  is  now  devoted  to 
studying  its  incidents  and  corollaries.  We  can  see 
that  Christianity  is  a  work  of  evolution,  and  has 
meant  very  different  things  in  different  centuries. 
It  is  viewed  as  less  distinctive  in  form  than  it  was 
once  thought  to  be.  Greater  emphasis  is  placed 
on  its  influence  on  the  affairs  of  earth,  as  compared 
with  what  may  be  its  influence  on  human  destiny 
in  a  future  state  of  existence.  Less  store  is  set 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  147 

on  its  theological  formulas  and  more  on  its  ethical 
and  moral  inspirations.  A  closer  study  of  com- 
parative religion  has  shown  that  more  of  these 
elevating  forces  than  was  once  supposed  are  common 
to  other  faiths;  and  we  no  longer  shut  our  eyes  to 
the  truth  that  men  professing  no  religion  are  often, 
so  far  as  man  can  judge,  among  the  leaders  in  what- 
ever makes  for  civic  good. 

Christian  citizenship  is  a  comprehensive  term. 
Those  who  most  fully  take  upon  themselves  its 
duties  are  by  no  means  the  same  as  those  who 
believe  that  Christianity  is  the  best  form  of  religious 
faith.  The  substance  beneath  that  form  has  never 
been  more  clearly  explained  than  by  Jesus  Christ 
himself,  as  he  closed  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount: 
"Not  every  one  that  saith  unto  me,  'Lord,  Lord/ 
shall  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven;  but  he  that 
doeth  the  will  of  my  father,  which  is  in  heaven." 
Many  a  one  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  and  many  a 
one  since,  to  whom  Christian  doctrine  in  forms  of 
creed  and  metaphysics  has  been  unknown  and,  if 
known,  would  have  been  repulsive,  has  done  the 
will  of  his  Father  in  Heaven,  as  he  understood  it, 
and  found,  in  doing  it,  the  key  to  the  kingdom  of 
heaven.  However  we  regard  such  a  man's  attitude 
towards  Christianity,  there  is  something  larger  than 


148  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

Christianity.  The  Christian  religion  is  one  of  many 
forms  of  what  we  call  religion.  We  may  consider 
it  the  greatest;  but  religion  is  larger  than  any  of 
its  parts.  The  world  also  is  larger  than  religion,  and 
larger  than  the  church,  whether  that  be  viewed  as 
one,  or  as  an  aggregation  of  many  churches. 

In  our  land,  with  its  composite  people,  and  its 
perfect  toleration  of  all  religions,  the  influence  of 
the  educated  man  should  be  steadily  exerted  to 
promote  respect  for  all  of  them,  —  for  all,  at  least, 
that  deserve  the  name. 

There  has  never  been  a  country,  of  any  degree  of 
civilization,  in  which  religion  has  not  been  a  strong 
safeguard  of  government.  Its  general  effect  has 
been  to  teach  obedience  to  authority;  to  repress 
selfishness;  to  be  a  terror  to  evil  doers.  It  has  al- 
ways helped  to  content  men  with  life.  It  has  held 
before  them  the  thought  of  a  life  after  death,  and 
of  an  invisible  power  that  ruled  their  destinies, 
•  whether  hi  this  world  or  the  next.  Loss  of  religious 
belief,  on  the  part  of  any  people,  brings  with  it  loss 
of  morality,  and  dulls  the  sense  of  civic  duty. 
Carlyle  struck  to  the  heart  of  the  matter  when  he 
said  that  a  man  was  living  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  if 
he  rendered  no  worship,  and  had  no  reverence  for 
anybody. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  149 

The  respect  of  an  educated  man  for  religion  will 
be  quite  distinct  from  what  may  be  his  view  of  any 
particular  form  of  religious  profession.  He  may  be 
a  strong  Methodist  or  a  strong  Roman  Catholic; 
but  he  will  feel  that  his  own  church,  whatever  it  be, 
gives  at  best  but  an  inadequate  expression  of  what 
Man  owes  to  God,  of  what  God  has  done  for  Man. 
He  may  affiliate  himself  with  no  church.  He  may 
be  an  agnostic,  or  an  atheist,  but  he  will  none  the 
less  feel  and  inculcate  respect  for  what  so  many 
others  revere.  He  will  recognize  the  importance  of 
religious  institutions  as  the  greatest  single  police 
force  of  civil  government,  —  with  us  an  unpaid 
force,  so  far  as  public  moneys  are  concerned.  If 
he  be  a  believer  in  Christianity,  he  will  do  his  part, 
as  he  has  opportunity,  to  set  forth  its  real  nature 
and  spirit.  Unless  these  underlie  the  general  re- 
ligious thought  of  Christian  people,  there  will  be 
easy  entrance  for  atheism,  and  atheism  logically 
leads  to  anarchy.  . 

Cardinal  Newman  said  that  two  distinct  types  of 
mind  were  shown  in  the  Catholic  and  the  Puritan. 
To  the  Catholic  the  visible  and  the  invisible  were 
only  two  different  aspects  of  one  great  reality.  To 
the  Puritan  they  stood  apart,  as  sundered,  if  not 
antagonistic. 


150  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

What  this  great  thinker  and  greater  writer  thus 
described  as  the  Catholic  view,  is  in  fact  becoming 
hi  this  century  the  universal  type  of  the  philosophy 
of  religion.  It  is  not  so  much  by  the  multiplication 
of  believers  in  the  Roman  Catholic  church,  as  by  the 
passing  of  Protestant  theology  from  the  control  of 
Puritan  ideas.  The  oneness  of  life,  here  and  here- 
after, is  the  prevailing,  if  half  unuttered,  faith  of  the 
whole  of  American  Christendom. 
\  President  Butler  of  Columbia  University  has  said 
that  a  complete  education  must  include  science,  art, 
{ literature,  institutional  life,  and  religious  beliefs. 
Of  these,  all  but  science  and  art  involve  a  study  of 
religions,  and  make  a  pulpit  of  every  student's 
desk.  They  may  convince  him  that  no  religion  is 
absolutely  perfect.  They  may  convince  him  that 
he,  personally,  has  no  need  to  ally  himself  to  any 
of  them. 

The  educated  man  often  feels  himself  able  to 
stand  upright  alone,  unaided  by  religion.  He  sees 
so  many  problems  on  every  side  calling  for  considera- 
tion and  susceptible  of  at  least  approximate  solu- 
tion, that  there  seems  no  room  and  no  time  for 
concerning  himself  with  what  belongs  to  the  super- 
natural or  the  infinite.  But  there  are  few  such  as 
he.  He  must  live,  be  it  only  for  life  as  he  now  under- 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  151 

stands  it,  in  such  a  way  as  to  do  no  injury  to  the 
majority  of  the  community.  He  does  such  an  injury, 
if  he  actively  deny  the  existence  of  a  personal  God, 
and  a  future  life.  For  them,  if  not  for  him,  a  belief 
in  those  things  is  necessary  to  keep  the  individual 
in  proper  relations  to  the  State.  As  Napoleon  said, 
if  there  were  no  religion,  those  charged  with  the 
administration  of  government  would  everywhere 

Comparative  religion  is  a  subjective  study.  It 
centers  about  man.  The  world  is  becoming  Chris- 
tianized, not  so  much  by  the  slow  advances,  here 
and  there,  of  what  we  term  missionary  effort,  put 
forth  by  professed  religionists,  as  by  the  general 
advance  everywhere  of  the  human  towards  the 
humane.  The  teachings  of  Christianity  quicken  the 
growth  of  civilization,  and  set  in  order  the  forces 
on  which  all  good  government  rests.  Their  influence 
hi  these  directions  is  felt  by  men  of  all  religions,  and 
more  and  more  is  taking  possession  of  the  leaders  of 
thought  in  every  nation.  We  may  almost  say,  as  we 
view  the  work  of  the  last  twenty  years  in  deepening 
the  foundations  of  international  concord,  that  the 
world  has  been  Christianized,  and  has  already  begun 
to  come  under  the  dominion  of  the  "  Prince  of 
Peace." 


152  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

It  is  hard  to  bring  home  to  ourselves  the  extent 
to  which,  within  that  period,  the  moral  forces  of  the 
world  have  been  quickened  and  expanded.  It  has 
made  possible  much  that  previously  would  have 
been  justly  regarded  by  most  men  as  impossible. 
The  universal  power  of  public  opinion  has  con- 
secrated humanity.  All  governments  have  been 
assimilated.  All  governments  have  been  associated 
in  the  endeavor  to  re-mould  the  laws  of  nations, 
private  and  public.  To  the  last  of  the  six  great 
Conferences  that  have  been  held  at  the  Hague 
for  the  advancement  of  international  law,  public 
or  private,  all  civilized  nations  were  parties,  and  its 

_^^^^^^^^M 

main  endeavor  was  to  set  bounds  to  war.<jpB(pl^ 
The  men  whose  education  enables  them  to  watch 
this  great  world-movement  most  intelligently  owe 
it  to  their  fellows  to  explain  how  it  can  best  be  pro- 
moted and  made  most  useful  to  all.  They  see,  and 
they  can  make  others  see  how  great  is  the  reason 
for  hope  that  the  reign  of  War  has  nearly  passed, 
in  that  the  civilized  world  has  at  last  attained  a 
common  stand-point,  first,  in  regard  to  the  nature 
of  civil  government,  and,  second,  in  regard  to  the 
ethics  of  political  administration. 

Once  before  hi  the  history  of  the  world  there  was 
such  a  common  stand-point.  It  was  when  Chris- 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  153 

tianity  reached  the  throne  of  the  Roman  empire. 
To  the  educated  man  of  that  day,  —  necessarily  a 
subject  of  the  empire,  and  probably  adhering  to 
the  Christian  church,  —  .the  community  of  mankind 
was  a  familiar  conception.  • 

The  Holy  Roman  empire  prolonged  the  prevalence 
of  the  philosophical  doctrine  of  human  brotherhood, 
but  denied  it  in  the  practice  of  government.  Wars 
of  religion  came  to  belie  it.  Europe  fell  apart  under 
the  Protestant  Reformation.  Humanity  became 
a  thing  of  literature  rather  than  of  life. 

Kant  never  showed  himself  more  truly  a  seer  than 
when  he  said  that  the  world,  before  it  could  become 
••one,  must  become  republican  in  its  form  of  govern- 
ment. That  time,  in  substance,  has  now  arrived.  It 
makes  little  difference,  in  effect,  what  a  country 
calls  itself,  or  calls  its  rulers.  England,  with  a  king 
and  emperor,  is,  at  home,  more  of  a  democracy  than 
France.  It  is  more  of  a  democracy  than  the  United 
States,  with  our  series  of  successive  electorates  for 
President  and  Senators,  with  our  absolutism  in  the 
executive  department,  and  with  our  transcendent 
and  uncontrollable  authority  in  the  judicial  depart- 
ment. But  in  England,  in  France,  in  the  United 
States,  in  every  civilized  country,  the  twentieth 
century  sees  the  good  of  the  people  acknowledged 


154  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

to  be  the  end  of  government  and  the  will  of  the 
people  its  supreme  law.  The  State,  we  everywhere 
agree  with  Hegel,  arose  out  of  society  to  guarantee 
to  each  individual,  and  to  each  alike,  that  he  shall 
remain  master  of  his  individuality  against  the  self- 
seeking  efforts  of  any  competitor. 

Nowhere  has  this  political  conception  been  ex- 
pressed in  terms  of  law  so  fully  as  in  the  United 
States.  It  is  rational  and  it  is  religious  to  maintain 
that  the  best  form  of  civil  government,  whatever  it 
may  be  or  come  to  be,  should  be  ultimately  adopted 
by  every  country  fitted  to  receive  it.  American 
citizens  have  thus,  if  their  scheme  of  government  is 
what  most  of  them  believe  it  to  be,  a  special  re- 
sponsibility and  opportunity  to  labor  for  the  general 
acceptance,  throughout  the  world,  of  its  essential 
principles. 

Dr.  Franklin  was  the  first  to  suggest  that  the 
United  States  of  America  might  lead  the  way  for 
the  United  States  of  Europe.  In  a  letter  from  him, 
written  to  a  European  correspondent,  in  October, 
1787,  he  speaks  thus  of  the  new  scheme  of  govern- 
ment, worked  out  by  the  Convention  of  that  year 
at  Philadelphia,  and  then  before  the  country  for 
ratification:  "If  it  succeeds,  I  do  not  see  why  you 
might  not  in  Europe  carry  the  Project  of  good 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  155 

Henry  the  4th  into  Execution,  by  forming  a  Federal 
Union  and  One  Grand  Republick  of  all  its  different 
States  &  Kingdoms;  by  means  of  a  like  Convention; 
for  we  had  many  Interests  to  reconcile." 1 

A  conference  of  publicists  was  held  at  Rome,  in 
1909,  styling  itself  the  first  Congress  of  European 
Federation.  Two  resolutions  were  adopted,  which 
breathe  the  true  civic  spirit  of  our  century.  One 
affirmed  the  desirability  of  a  federation  of  the 
States  of  Europe  which,  without  any  attack  on  the 
autonomy  or  limitation  of  the  sovereign  rights  of 
each  nation,  should  have  for  its  object  to  multiply 
international  conventions,  in  order  to  regulate  the 
economic  and  social  relations  of  the  different  States 
by  a  uniform  legislation:  the  other  proposed  the 
institution  of  a  Supreme  International  Court,  with 
cognizance  of  appeals  involving  the  legal  interpre- 
tation of  international  conventions  which  establish 
rules  of  private  international  law.2 

A  similar  court,  to  hear  appeals  in  cases  of  vessels 
seized  as  prize  of  war,  is  likely  soon  to  become  an 
established  institution,  under  the  provisions  of  the 
Hague  Convention  of  1907. 

1  Farrand,  The  Records  of  the  Federal  Convention,  III, 
131. 

2  1CT  Congrfcs  de  la   Fe'de'ration    Europe'enne:    Compte- 
Rendu  Sommaire,  Rome,  1909,  p.  36. 


156  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

The  progress  made  and  promised  in  these  direc- 
tions can  only  be  understood  by  men  of  education, 
or  those  to  whom  they  tell  of  it.  It  appeals  with 
especial  force  to  Americans.  It  makes  for  the  ad- 
vance of  Christian  citizenship.  It  finds,  in  the 
Christian  spirit,  its  most  powerful  support. 

Justice  Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  declared  last  year, 
that  "Life  is  a  roar  of  bargain  and  battle,  but  in 
the  very  heart  of  it  there  rises  a  mystic  spiritual 
note  that  gives  meaning  to  the  whole."  There  is 
something  of  the  mystic  to  everything  that  is 
spiritual.  The  two  belong  together.  The  world 
often  seems  to  move  by  faith,  faster  than  by 
reason.  The  educated  man  is  most  powerful,  as 
a  leader  of  public  opinion,  when  he  can  appeal  to 
each,  in  its  place.  He  knows  better  than  others  that 
nothing  is  permanently  gained  unless  the  reason  is 
convinced.  He  knows  that  if  we  must  choose  be- 
tween faith  and  reason,  then  as  to  all  that  human 
reason  can  apprehend  with  full  assurance,  we 
should  be  untrue  to  the  God  within  us,  did  we  not 
make  that  reason  the  final  test.  As  Luther  said, 
"Was  der  Vernunft  entgegen  ist,  ist's  gewiss  dass  es 
Gott  viel  mehr  entgegen  ist." 

Benjamin  Kidd,  towards  the  close  of  the  last 
century,  in  what  is  still  the  most  noteworthy  attempt 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  157 

to  reconstruct  Christian  philosophy  on  the  basis  of 
biological  evolution,  affirmed  that  a  rational  religion 
was  a  scientific  impossibility.1  Reason,  he  said, 
dictated  a  selfish  struggle  for  existence,  on  the  part  of 
the  individual  or  of  any  particular  body  of  individu- 
als. To  conduct  otherwise  was  scientifically  un- 
reasonable. Yet  men  did  often  conduct  otherwise. 
They  voluntarily  subordinated  their  interests  to 
those  of  some  social  organism,  of  which  they  were 
a  part.  They  did  so  from  a  sense  of  duty.  The 
justification  of  such  conduct  was  ultra-rational,  and 
a  sufficient  sanction  was  to  be  found  only  in  religion. 

I  shall  not  stop  to  ask  whether  pure  ethics  might 
not -also  claim  to  offer  such  a  sanction.  Religion 
certainly  does,  and  in  no  religion  are  the  ethical  and 
the  altruistic  so  closely  blended  as  in  Christianity. 

But  Christianity  is  stated  in  very  different  terms 
by  different  people.  It  may  be  so  described  as  to 
offend  human  reason:  it  may  be  so  described  as  to 
satisfy  human  reason. 

The  educated  American  who  would  promote  the 
advance  of  Society  by  promoting  altruism,  and  so 
seeks  to  ally  himself  with  the  forces  of  religion,  has 
not  gone  very  far  when  he  has  proclaimed  that 
Christianity  deems  every  sin  a  form  of  selfishness. 
1  Social  Evolution,  109. 


158  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

He  must  uphold  the  authority  of  Christianity  to 
maintain  this  doctrine;  and  here  he  must  be  able 
to  appeal  to  reason.  He  is  urging  Society  to  act  from 
altruism,  not  because  this  can  be  proved  to  be 
philosophically  reasonable,  but  because  religion 
commands  it.  This  religion  then  —  in  the  prevail- 
ing form  hi  which  it  appears  in  this  country  —  he 
has  the  burden  of  showing  to  be  reasonably  consistent 
with  itself,  if  its  tenets  be  properly  stated.  In  other 
words,  he  can  deduce  no  effective  arguments,  to 
carry  conviction  to  thoughtful  minds,  from  the 
teachings  of  Christianity,  unless  those  teachings  are 
scientifically  examined,  and  —  as  he  represents  them 
to  be  —  are  scientifically  vindicated. 

If  this  is  not  done,  nothing  is  done  that  will  be 
lasting,  towards  the  improvement  of  society.  David 
Ritchie  pierced  to  the  kernel  of  the  truth  when  he 
said  that  "under  the  conditions  of  modern  life  in 
civilized  countries,  in  proportion  as  religions  re- 
main uninfluenced  by  rationalism,  they  become 
sources  of  national  weakness  and  not  of  strength."  1 

It  is  to  be  remembered,  also,  that  what  is  done 

primarily  for  one's  own  country,  may  have  more 

lasting  effects  in  some  other  country,  to  which  the 

torch  of  truth  has  been  handed  on.    A  whole  people 

1  Studies  in  Political  and  Social  Ethics,  22. 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  159 

may  perish,  but  under  modern  conditions  of  inter- 
national intercourse,  their  discoveries  and  philoso- 
phies never  can. 

Germany,  during  the  last  century,  rescued  the 
bible  from  the  hands  of  mistaken  friends,  who  were 
interpreting  it  under  a  theory  of  verbal  inspira- 
tion. The  German  scholars  who  did  this  were  work- 
ing, not  for  Germans  only,  but  for  the  world.  They 
set  currents  of  thought  in  motion  here,  which  have 
re-made  the  bible  for  Americans.  It  has  given  it  new 
support  on  the  side  of  reason;  new  light  on  the  side 
of  history.  We  feel,  as  a  people,  that  the  educated 
man  best  appreciates  the  bible,  and  the  relative 
importance  of  its  different  parts.  So  far,  then,  as 
those  less  educated  are  able  to  understand  his 
view,  they  have  the  right  to  expect  him  to  use  every 
fair  opportunity  to  explain  to  them  what  is  so  clear 
to  him,  that  all  may  comprehend  the  difference  hi 
weight  between  a  ceremonial  rule  of  the  Mosaic 
law,  and  a  precept  of  moral  conduct  uttered  by 
Jesus  Christ. 

In  1911  Paul  Neumann,  a  private  hi  the  German 
army,  was  condemned  to  imprisonment  for  life. 
Compelled  by  law  to  engage  in  military  service,  he 
had  served  four  years  but,  being  a  Seventh  Day 
Adventist,  he  believed  that  the  seventh  day  was  to 


160  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

be  kept  sacred,  as  a  day  of  rest.  Refusing,  from  the 
first,  to  do  any  military  duty  on  Saturday,  he  had 
been  repeatedly  sent  to  the  guard-house  for  this 
insubordination,  and  had,  in  fact,  spent  most  of 
his  time  there.  He  is  described  as  a  strong  and 
intelligent  man  particularly  well  read  in  the  bible. 

But  how  must  he  have  read  it?  The  Decalogue 
to  him  was  the  voice  of  God  speaking  to  him,  to-day. 
For  him  German  scholarship  had  done  nothing. 
His  religion  was  bottomed  on  a  misconception.  One 
wonders  if  there  were  not  those  in  whom  he  had 
confidence,  who  could  have  helped  him  to  a  better 
understanding  of  the  truth,  and  if  such  a  life  could 
not  even  now  be  saved  to  the  State  by  a  wise  word 
from  some  one  who  feels,  in  their  full  measure,  the 
responsibilities  of  Christian  citizenship. 

Those  responsibilities  are  heavier,  no  doubt,  in 
regard  to  morals  than  to  doctrine.  They  have 
almost  nothing  to  do  with  systematic  theology,  in 
countries  where  there  is  not  an  established  religion. 
The  atheist,  even,  who  acknowledges  the  brother- 
hood of  man,  may  be  simply  differing  from  the  rest 
of  us  on  a  question  of  names. 

But  there  are  few  educated  men  who  do  not  believe 
in  the  existence  of  a  God.  If  others  can,  they  can- 
not fail  to  be  impressed  with  the  famous  argument 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  161 

of  Kant:  "Zwei  Dinge  erfulkn  das  Gemut  mil  immer 
neuer  und  zunehmender  Bewunderung  und  Ehrfurcht, 
je  ofter  und  anhaltender  sich  das  Nachdenken  damit 
beschdftigt:  der  bestirnte  Himmel  uber  mir  und  das 
moralische  Gesetz  in  mir;  —  denn  sie  beweisen  mir, 
dass  ein  Gott  uber  mir  und  ein  Gott  in  mir  ist." 

Nor  are  there  many  educated  men  who  do  not 
feel  that,  so  far  as  they  can  judge,  such  conduct  as 
the  highest  civilization  pronounces  to  be  virtuous, 
wise,  and  just,  best  accords  with  the  order  of  the 
universe,  which  is  but  another  name  for  the  divine 
will. 

This  is  far  from  saying  that  that  order  harmonizes 
with  the  ethics  of  our  time,  or  that  these  ethics 
harmonize  with  the  reason  of  our  time,  or  with  what 
seem  the  ruling  principles  of  human  nature.  It 
does  imply  a  duty  of  every  citizen,  in  all  times, 
according  to  the  measure  of  his  ability,  to  work 
towards  making  the  laws  and  institutions  of  the 
land,  and  the  whole  life  of  political  society,  conform 
to  those  higher  rules  of  action  which,  to  those  of 
his  contemporaries  who  have  the  highest  knowledge 
and  clearest  vision,  seem  to  belong  to  the  realm  of 
the  eternal. 

The  citizen  of  a  republic  is  engaged  in  a  scientific 
scheme.  So  far  as  he  acts  hi  a  political  capacity, 


162  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

he  must  act,  so  far  as  he  can  see  the  truth,  under 
the  rules  of  the  science  of  politics.  It  is  a  noble 
science;  "nobler,  even,"  James  Russell  Lowell  once 
said,  "than  astronomy,  for  it  deals  with  mutual 
repulsions  and  attractions,  not  of  inert  masses,  but 
of  bodies  endowed  with  thought  and  will,  calculates 
moral  forces,  and  reckons  the  orbits  of  God's 
purposes  toward  mankind." 

It  is  a  science  which  it  is  not  at  our  option  to 
study.  We  must  study  it,  so  far  as  we  have  the  time 
and  power,  or  we  are  untrue  to  the  public  trust 
which  citizenship  in  a  free  government  involves. 
That  government  we  have  an  opportunity,  and  there- 
fore an  obligation,  to  endeavor  to  improve.  If  the 
laws  are  not  what  they  should  be,  every  man  by 
whose  representatives  they  are  made  or  continued, 
is  bound  to  labor  for  their  repeal.  He  is  not  to  be 
content  to  take  the  past  at  its  own  valuation.  Still 
less  can  he  take  the  attitude  that  it  makes  little 
difference  to  a  people  in  what  manner  they  are  gov- 
erned, and  that,  as  it  is  the  easiest  way,  so  it  is  the 
best  way  to  let  things  go  as  they  are. 

Soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  last  half  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  some  one,  in  speaking  of  the 
editorial  staff  of  the  London  Saturday  Review,  said 
that  "whereas  with  the  generation  of  the  Reform 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  163 

Bill  everything  had  been  new,  everything  had  been 
true,  and  everything  had  been  of  the  highest  im- 
portance, with  them  nothing  was  new,  nothing  was 
true,  and  nothing  was  of  any  importance."  If  the 
charge  was  just,  it  was  a  serious  fall  from  the  one 
level  to  the  other,  but  the  English  nation  certainly 
did  not  share  in  it. 

There  is  always  a  place  for  the  reformer.  There 
is  always  a  reward  for  well-motived  and  well- 
directed  political  activity.  The  idealists  always  win 
in  the  end.  The  true,  the  good,  and  the  beautiful 
in  human  society  are  always  ahead  of  us  and  the 
best  citizens  are  those  who,  as  they  have  pressed 
towards  them,  have  felt  most  strongly,  to  use  the 
words  of  Rousseau,  that  "k  bon  n'  etait  que  le  beau 
mis  en  action." l 

To  follow  the  true,  one  must  know  what  it  isA 
The  good  citizen  must  be  satisfied  of  that,  first 
of  all.  The  uneducated  man  must  often  content 
himself  with  accepting  what  others,  whom  he  meets 
hi  daily  life,  may  say  in  regard  to  it.  The  educated 
man  can  go  to  the  highest  sources,  and  read  with  full 
understanding.  For  him  as  a  citizen  the  only  rule 
is  that  of  St.  Paul:  " Prove  all  things;  hold  fast  that 
which  is  good."  But  so  far  as  he  finds  himself  com- 
1  La  Nouvelle  Helolse,  Part  II,  Letter  XII. 


164  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

pelled  to  accept  what  others  prove,  he  owes  it  to 
himself  to  follow  the  highest  teachings  and  the 
highest  teachers  of  truth. 

In  the  Parisian  cemetery  of  Pere  le  Chaise,  a 
tomb-stone  bears  this  inscription:  "Id  repose 
Auguste  Charles  Collignon,  mort  plein  de  confiance 
dans  la  bonte  de  Dieu,  a  I'dge  de  68  ans  et  4  mois,  le 
15  Avril,  1830.  II  aima  et  chercha  a  faire  du  bien,  et 
mena  une  vie  douce  et  heureuse  en  suivant,  aidant 
qu'il  pent,  la  morale  et  les  legons  des  essais  de  Mon- 
taigne et  des  Fables  de  la  Fontaine."  Many  a  man, 
whose  friends  do  not  thus  advertise  it,  has  taken  his 
philosophy  from  moralists  of  similar  types,  when  he 
could  have  found  something  better  in  the  words  of 
one  of  whom  it  was  said:  "Never  man  spake  like 
this  man."  Many  an  American  has  done  this, 
because  the  influences  of  his  early  education  left 
him  a  stranger  to  the  teachings  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. Religious  freedom,  that  is,  freedom  of  re- 
ligion, brought  him,  under  our  notion  of  the  duty  of 
the  State,  freedom  from  religion. 
i»  The  independent  and  individual  study  of  morals 
by  the  American  citizen  is  thus  especially  necessary, 
because  the  nature  of  our  institutions  makes  the 
public  schools  mainly  silent  in  regard  to  it.  Mr. 
Bryce  has  said  in  his  American  Commonwealth, 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  165 

that  of  all  the  differences  between  the  United  States 
and  the  rest  of  the  world  none  is  so  marked  as  that 
pertaining  to  the  absence  of  religious  tests  or  a 
religious  establishment.  Unlike  the  European,  we 
have  nowhere,  for  at  least  a  century,  looked  at 
the  State  as  "an  ideal  moral  power  charged  with 
the  duty  of  forming  the  characters  and  guiding  the 
lives "  of  its  people.  Since  we  do  not,  its  citizens 
must  share  this  function  between  them,  in  each 
generation,  for  the  benefit  of  the  next.  What  the 
State  does  elsewhere,  the  home  and  the  church  must 
here  assume  upon  themselves,  aided  always  by  the 
good  and  true  in  the  entire  community,  according 
to  the  measure  of  their  opportunities. 

It  is  indispensable,  under  every  form  of  govern-  \S 
ment,  that  the  character  of  the  people  should  be 
built  up  by  the  aid  of  the  wisest  and  best.  Their 
political  aims  must  be  kept  high.  It  must  be  made 
an  axiom  of  civics  that  no  law  should  ever  be  enacted, 
no  line  of  social  conduct  tolerated,  which  sinks 
below  the  moral  standards  of  the  time.  ^ 

A  political  revolution  seldom  accomplishes  any 
good  to  a  people  unless  it  be  accompanied  by  a 
moral  revolution.  Only  a  moral  cause,  indeed,  —  if 
we  take  "moral"  in  its  broad  and  truest  sense, — 
can  justify  a  political  revolution,  and  if  any  success 


166  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

which  is  attained  is  to  be  permanent,  it  must  be 
identified  with  moral  advancement. 

The  standards  of  right  for  an  individual  and  for 
the  State  may  not  always  be  identical,  at  least  in 
form.  As  has  been  already  observed,  in  another 
connection,  Christian  citizenship  is  not  inconsistent 
with  national  selfishness,  for  government  is  ad- 
ministered by  trustees  for  the  people.  We  can  give 
away  and  give  up  what  belongs  to  ourselves;  not 
what  we  hold  for  others.  The  authorities  of  a  na- 
tion which  has  some  positive  advantage  over  other 
nations,  or  some  positive  interest  that  is  opposed 
to  their  interests,  may  do  right  when,  in  behalf  of 
those  for  whom  they  act,  they  cherish  and  keep  what 
it  has  got. 

But  Christian  citizenship  is  always  inconsistent 
with  personal  selfishness.  We  are  bound  in  honor 
and  faith,  as  regards  our  political  action,  to  use  our 
power  to  affect  the  public  at  large,  for  the  good  of 
the  public  at  large.  For  the  same  reasons  we  must 
steadfastly  oppose  others  who  may  use  theirs  for 
their  own  peculiar  and  undue  benefit.  The  tempta- 
tion to  better  one's  position,  by  the  aid  of  legisla- 
tion, at  the  expense  of  others,  is  a  strong  one.  To 
do  this  is,  of  course,  to  use  the  power  of  the  whole 
community  to  injure  a  part  of  it  for  the  benefit  of 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  167 

another  part.  The  most  effectual  means  of  resis- 
tance are,  first,  the  influence  of  religion,  supported 
by  the  churches,  and,  second,  popular  enlighten- 
ment, aided  forwards  by  the  use  of  press  and  plat- 
form. If  the  people  can  be  made  to  see  the  essential 
unfairness  of  such  legislation,  it  will  not  be  enacted, 
or,  if  enacted,  will  be  soon  repealed,  —  repealed  at 
latest  by  the  next  generation. 

The  disposition  of  large  commercial  questions  has 
often  turned  on  considerations  of  this  character. 
The  Corn  Laws  were  in  no  small  part  carried  through 
parliament  by  the  voice  of  the  English  pulpits.  In 
any  such  times  of  political  discussions,  the  man  of 
broad  education  is  in  a  position  of  great  advantage 
and  corresponding  obligation.  In  studying  any 
question  of  economic  policy,  he  can  see  both  how  it 
affects  an  individual  producer  or  the  individual 
consumer,  and  how  it  bears  on  the  general  welfare 
of  society,  of  which  the  consumers  may  constitute 
but  a  small  part,  and  the  producers  a  part  numeri- 
cally inconsiderable.  If,  in  casting  a  vote  or  ad- 
ministering an  office,  he  acts  under  a  sense  of  the 
responsibilities  of  Christian  citizenship,  he  will  not 
forget  that  the  welfare  of  society,  as  a  whole,  is  the 
only  justifiable  object  and,  we  may  say,  the  only 
professed  object,  to  be  served  by  any  policy  of 


168  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

trade.  If  it  be  one  that  favors  individual  freedom, 
it  favors  it,  ostensibly,  at  least,  because  society  is 
to  profit  by  individualism.  If  it  be  one  that  favors 
collectivism,  and  so  State  Socialism,  it  is  with  the 
claim  that  Socialism,  to  that  extent,  is  the  natural 
and  proper  outcome  of  society. 

Citizenship  rests  on  justice.  Its  powers  and  priv- 
ileges are  given  because  it  is  just  to  give  them. 
They  must,  therefore,  be  exercised  in  a  spirit  of 
justice.  Christianity  is  a  religion  of  sympathy,  but 
it  can  make  no  compromise  with  evil.  He  who  would 
keep  his  citizenship  Christian  may  give  due  force  to 
isentiment,  but  none  to  sentiment alism.  This  is 
particularly  dangerous  in  its  bearing  on  criminal 
justice.  A  crime  is  an  offence  against  the  State, 
that  is,  against  the  whole  people.  It  may  involve 
no  violation  of  moral  law.  It  may  be  committed 
unintentionally.  It  may  be  bitterly  regretted  the 
next  moment.  It  may  be  followed  by  the  strongest 
and  purest  resolutions  that  such  an  act  shall  never 
be  done  again.  Nevertheless,  in  the  ordinary  course 
of  justice  it  requires  punishment  by  society,  and  for 
the  sake  of  society.  The  magistrate  "beareth  not 
the  sword  in  vain." 

Against  this  theory  of  the  duty  of  the  State  a 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  169 

protest  has  come  during  the  last  three  quarters  of 
a  century  from  a  large  school  of  penologists.  They 
assert  that  the  main  end  of  punishing  the  criminal 
is  to  reform  him.  Some  go  farther  and  assert  that 
it  is  the  only  end.  In  the  Constitution  of  Indiana 
(adopted  in  1851),  it  is  provided  that  "the  penal 
code  shall  be  founded  on  the  principles  of  reforma- 
tion, and  not  of  vindictive  justice."  If  by  "vindic- 
tive justice"  is  meant  a  justice  which  is  vindicated 
by  the  imposition  of  punishment,  this  provision 
seems  to  me  quite  opposed  to  the  teachings  of  the 
New  Testament,  and  equally  opposed  to  common 
sense.  The  individual  who  is  wronged  may  be  en- 
joined to  forgive.  But  to  the  State,  which  represents 
not  only  him  but  the  offender,  and  not  only  both  of 
these  but  the  rest  of  its  people,  the  paramount 
object  must  be  to  do  what  justice  demands.  The 
crime  must  be  regarded,  as  well  as  the  criminal. 
No  life  and  no  property  would  be  secure,  in  a  country 
where  the  theory  of  the  Indiana  constitution  was 
practically  carried  out. 

There  are,  however,  social  penalties  for  wrong- 
doing that  governments  may  properly  consider, 
in  determining  the  character  of  legal  punishments. 
The  freer  a  country  is,  in  respect  to  the  degree  of 
restraint  exercised  by  the  public  over  the  conduct 


170  THE  RELATIONS  OF 

of  the  individual,  the  more  room  is  left  for  society 
to  bind  him  by  its  rules  and  conventions.  It  is  the 
office  of  social  institutions  to  be  the  complement  of 
political  institutions.  They  are  the  same  only  in 
the  theories  of  Plato. 

The  responsibilities  of  Christian  citizenship  extend 
alike  to  each,  and  its  influence  must  be  thrown  with 
an  equal  hand  against  whatever  may  be  bad  in  each. 
But  it  is  an  easier  task  to  amend  the  laws  than  to 
amend  society.  Nothing  is  so  obstinate  as  ancient 
custom. 

The  spirit  of  Christian  citizenship  is  a  spirit  of 
patience.  It  hopes  for  more  than  it  expects.  He 
who  possesses  it  must  be  prepared  to  talk  to  dull 
ears.  He  will  make  whole-hearted  advances  to 
those  whom  he  believes  can  profit  by  his  help  and 
find  them  but  half-heartedly  received.  He  will  be 
content  to  wait  and  look  to  the  Future  to  see  to 
it  that  the  work  of  one  generation  is  completed  by 
the  next. 

Schiller  said  that,  in  the  warmth  of  youth,  he 
stretched  out  his  arms  to  save  the  world,  and  found 
he  had  clasped  a  lump  of  ice.  The  young  man  who 
cherishes  high  aims  is  almost  sure  to  underrate  the 
wisdom  of  the  community,  and  overestimate  his 
own.  He  will  be  apt  to  mistake  education  for  the 


EDUCATION  TO  CITIZENSHIP  171 

power  of  education.  He  will  discover  in  time  that, 
if  the  world  gave  him  a  chill  reception,  the  fault 
was  in  part  his. 

The  Christian  citizen  of  the  twentieth  century 
will  be  among  the  first  to  own  that  wherever  modern 
civilization  extends,  we  are  generally  judged  ac- 
cording to  our  deserts,  and  "this  wise  world  is 
mainly  right." 


INDEX 


Agnostics,  44,  149 

Altruism,  45,  47,  74,  134,  142, 

157 
America,  political  institutions 

of,  40 
American  form  of  government, 

92,  114;   political  expansion, 

119 
Americans,  a  composite  race, 

18;    duty  as  citizens,  78 
Anarchy,  149 

Arbitration,  international,  99 
Aristocracy,  of  leadership,  120 
Aristotle,  46 
Arnold,  Thomas,  27 
Artist,  faculty  of,  73 
Associations,  charitable,  140 
Atheists,  44,  149,  160 
Athletics,  4 
Authority,  respect  for,  36,  45; 

personification  of,  89,  92 

Bacon,  Lord,  49,  85 

Bartsch,  134 

Belgium,  voting  in,  55,  57 

Bible,  interpretation  of,  159 

Bismarck,  24 

Brotherhood  of  Man,  126,  152 

Bryce,  James,  38,  95,  164 

Buckle,  130 

Burke,  25 

Burne- Jones,  Sir  Edward,  22 

Busy  men,  in  office,  104 

Butler,  Nicholas  Murray,  150 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  138 
Carlyle,  77,  148 


Carnegie  Foundation,  44    « 

Children,  teaching  civics  to, 
35-41;  burdening,  144 

Christian  citizenship,  146,  168 

Christianity,  rule  of,  22;  an 
evolution,  146,  156;  relation 
to  other  religions,  146-151; 
is  what,  157 

Church,  national,  92 

Cicero,  description  of  law,  98 

Cities,  as  intellectual  centers, 
119 

Citizenship  of  the  world,  23, 
29,  125,  131;  education  for, 
27;  Christian,  146,  168-171 

Civics,  instruction  in,  35-41, 
49,  118 

Class  interests,  72,  100,  144 

Collectivism,  140,  168 

College,  gives  but  partial  edu- 
cation, 5,  108;  daily  change 
of  horizon,  8;  elective  sys- 
tem, 29;  agricultural,  54; 
its  education  not  paid  for, 
75;  attended  by  few,  120; 
influence  on  public  opinion, 
132 

College,  Yale,  5 

Collignon,  A.  C.,  164 

Colonies,  64 

Commons,  House  of,  114 

Congresses,  international,  129, 
98,  152,  155 

Connecticut,  43 

Conscience,  89,  91 

Constitution,  of  U.  S.,  64, 
137;  of  States,  137;  over- 


174 


INDEX 


rules  statutes,  '101,  137;  an 
entirety,  102;  altering,  102, 
103,  137;  unwritten,  102 

Conventions,  social,  12 

Corn  Laws,  167 

Corporations,  business,  60 

Courts,  supporting,  80-82,  136; 
absolutism  of,  101;  of  na- 
tions, 156 

Cousin,  on  national  predomi- 
nances, 129 

Criminal  justice,  168 

Curtis,  George  William,  86 

Customs,  118,  119,  170 

Decentralization,  92 
Declamation,  52 
Demagogues,  119 
Dodge,  lecture  foundation,  1 
Dogs,  100 

Educated  men,  who  are,  10; 
the  scholar  in  politics,  19;  fill 
high  offices,  24;  are  cap- 
italists, 24;  as  voters,  55; 
party  relations,  65-69;  as 
political  leaders,  70,  71,  83; 
debt  to  society,  71;  as 
private  citizens,  73-75;  debt 
to  the  State,  77;  attractions 
of  office  for,  106;  as  creators 
of  public  opinion,  112;  as 
editors,  112;  women,  118; 
duty  to  be  leaders,  122; 
republic  of  letters,  129; 
always  educators,  133;  over- 
educated,  139;  relations  to 
religion,  148 

Education,  spread  of  liberal,  2; 
importance  of,  3;  athletic, 
4;  begets  tolerance,  7;  a  slow 
process,  8;  gives  broader 
views,  8;  creates  duties, 
10;  self-taught,  13,  50;  of 
immigrants,  17-19;  for  citi- 


zenship, 27;  specialization 
in,  30;  on  public  and  social 
questions,  33;  in  dead  lan- 
guages, 32;  in  fixed  cer- 
tainties, 34;  military,  36; 
in  civics,  35-41,  49;  reli- 
gious, 44;  soul  of,  46-  in 
public  speaking,  51,  52; 
should  be  kept  in  the  hands 
of  the  States,  53;  of  public 
opinion,  68;  gives  power  of 
penetration,  104,  105;  power 
to  move  slowly,  121;  ages 
of  popular,  138;  includes 
what,  150;  absence  of  reli- 
gious, 164;  power  of,  170 

Elections,  corruption  in,  68 

Electorates,  56 

Emerson,  5,  11,  74,  75,  142 

Emotion,  as  a  political  force, 
124 

England,  a  democracy,  115, 
153 

Enthusiasm,  59,  60 

Equality,  11 

Ethics,  44,  46;  a  new,  96; 
world  ethics,  97 

Europe,  federation  of,  155 

Evolution,  146 

Exaggeration,  123 

Executive  department,  138 

Expansion,  national,  96,  97 

Extremists,  123,  124,  139 

Flexner,  Dr.,  139 
Franklin,  12,  64,  154 
Freedom,  defined,  68 
French  Revolution,  93,  127 

Germany,    universities   in,    2; 

scholars  of,  159 
God,  belief  in,  89;   fatherhood 

of,  131;  atheism,  151;  within 

us,  156,  161 
Goethe,    on    education,    3,    8; 


INDEX 


175 


on  evolution,  9;  on  Nature, 
14 

Government,  modern,  47;  may 
prefer  itself,  78;  acts  as  a 
trustee,  80,  166;  American, 
92;  representative,  114 

Governors  of  States,  85,  114 

Gresham's  law,  139 

Hadley,  President,  65 

Hague,  Conferences  at,  98, 
152,  165;  foundation  to  pro- 
mote internationalism,  126 

Hamilton,  opinion  of  office- 
holding,  106 

Happiness,  denned,  106 

Hegel,  154 

History,  nature  of,  77 

Holmes,  O.  W.,  Mr.  Justice, 
156 

Holy  Roman  empire,  153 

Home  rule,  38,  53,  61 

Human  society,  81,  127 

Humanity,  153 

Idealists,  163 

Ideals,  74,  163 

Ideas  of  1789,  47 

Imagination,  necessary  for  a 
statesman,  103;  use  in  poli- 
tics to  all,  117 

Immigrant,  attitude  towards 
law,  16;  educating,  17-19 

Immigration,  16 

Imperialism,  63 

Independents  in  politics,  140 

Indiana,  criminal  justice  in, 
169 

Individualism,  140,  154 

Initiative,  the,  116;  individ- 
ual, 140 

International  Congresses,  129; 
at  the  Hague,  98,  152 

International  law,  advance- 
ment of,  98,  152 


Internationalism,  126,  131,  152 
Internoscia,  code  of,  98 
Intuitions,  88 
Italy,  128 

Jebb,  Sir  Richard,  46 

Joubert,  59,  133 

Jowett,  135 

Judges,  State,  101;  functions 
as  to  statutes,  101-103 

Judgment,  native,  11,  12 

Judicial  system,  American,  80- 
82;  absolutism  of  judges, 
101;  supporting,  136 

Jurists,  as  authors  of  law,  130 

Justice,  denned,  136;  vindic- 
tive, 169 

Juvenal,  6 

Kant,  153,  161 
Kidd,  Benjamin,  156 

Laissez  faire  doctrine,  162 

Language,  foreign,  acquaint- 
ance with,  22 

Law,  reform  in,  58,  59;  aa 
measured  by  popular  de- 
mand, 70,  91;  relations  to 
custom ,  118;  world-law, 
91,  97;  Cicero's  description 
of,  98;  foreign  conception 
of,  130 

Lecky,  11,  124 

Legislator,  unconstitutional 
law,  102,  104 

Libel,  law  of,  20 

Life,  is  what,  81,  91,  156; 
the  future,  150 

Literary  power,  20 

Localism,  86 

London  Saturday  Review,  162 

Lowell,  James  Russell,  162 

Loyalty,  63,  89 

Luther,  on  reason  in  religion, 
156 


176 


INDEX 


Majorities,  120 

Man,  a  political  animal,  76;  the 
forgotten,  92;  general  ad- 
vance of,  122;  brotherhood 
of,  127,  131,  152;  duty  to 
God,  149 

Martineau,  James,  31 

Massachusetts,  43 

Militarism,  93 

Military  education,  36 

Mill,  John  Stuart,  45 

Millionaires,  125 

Minorities,  120 

Moderation,  123,  139 

Moral  forces,  41,  88;  revolu- 
tionary, 165 

Morality,  relation  to  religion, 
44;  popular,  88;  of  the  world, 
129;  where  best  studied,  164 

Muckraking,  99,  100 

Mysticism,  156 

Napoleon,  93,  151 
Nationalism,  63 
Naturalization,  40 
Neumann,  Paul,  159 
Newman,  Cardinal,  149 
News,  Yale,  5 
Newspapers,  112 
Nietzsche,  77 
Nominations,  political,  108 

Office,  public:  education  as 
fitting  for,  50;  duties  of, 
84,  111;  dignity  of,  94; 
respect  for  those  in,  92; 
attractions  of,  106,  107; 
how  gained,  108 

Old  men,  influencing  in  poli- 
tics, 133-135 

Optimism,  123 

Oratory,  51,  62 

Origen,  8 

Parliament,  British,   113,   135 


Party,  political,  5s,  65,  139; 
Republican,  66;  Federalist, 
66;  Democratic,  66;  edu- 
cated men  in,  66,  67,  84; 
English  parties,  66;  antago- 
nisms of,  107;  platforms,  139 

Penologists,  6,  169 

People,  the,  political  good 
sense  of,  87,  124;  moral 
convictions  of,  90;  coming 
in  touch  with,  108;  opinions 
change  slowly,  122,  124; 
all  modern  government  of 
and  for  them,  153 

Perils,  national,  123 

Person,  political,  81 

Phi  Beta  Kappa,  5 

Philippines,  64 

Pitt,  William,  136 

Platform,  speech,  51,  109,  112; 
party,  67 

Plato,  170 

Political  economy,  167 

Political  science,  broadening 
of,  96,  97;  nobility  of,  161 

Politics,  theorists  in,  13;  edu- 
cated men  in,  15,  57,  76,  110; 
new,  96;  science  of,  162 

Post  office,  78 

Pragmatism,  91 

President  of  the  U.  S.,  63, 
64,  83,  85;  ambitions  of, 
111;  absolutism  of,  114 

Primaries,  140 

Progressive  politics,  14,  58, 
119 

Protestant  Reformation,  93, 
153 

Psychology,  6 

Public  officers,  84;  rules  of 
conduct  for,  99,  111;  offer 
of  nomination,  106;  broad- 
ening opportunity,  107;  edu- 
cation of,  by  office,  109-111 

Public  sentiment,  creating,  69, 


INDEX 


177 


121;  interpreting,  70;  basis 
of  law,  92,  119;  God-made, 
124;  influences  of  education, 
142,  145;  conditions  of, 
117,  131,  144 

Public  speaking,  51,  52 

Puritan,  149 

Reason,  as  a  test  of  theology, 
156-158 

Recall,  the,  116 

Referendum,  invented  in  Con- 
necticut, 116;  uses  of,  116 

Reform,  59 

Reform  Bill,  162 

Reformation,  the,  93,  153 

Reformers,  58,  91,  163 

Religion,  44;  coupled  with 
Right,  90;  as  a  governmental 
force,  90,  92,  148;  com- 
parative, 146-151;  respect 
for,  148;  philosophy  of,  150; 
reason  in,  156;  American 
freedom  of,  164 

Representative  government,  an 
Anglo-American  device,  114 

Republican  governments,  153 

Respect,  for  authority,  36,  45, 
92 

Reverence  for  superiors,  92 

Revolution,  cause  for,  165 

Rhetoric,  52 

Riches,  124 

Right,  the,  90;  leading  to, 
131;  standards  of,  166,  171 

Rights,  narrowing  of  individ- 
ual, 140 

Ritchie,  David,  71,  158 

Roman  Catholics,  93,  149 

Roman  empire,  153 

Rousseau,  34,  74,  163 

Royce,  Josiah,  119 

Russell,  Lord  John,  143 

Russia,  immigration  from,  17; 
education  in,  18 


Saint  Paul,  163 

Sanity,  7 

Sarpi,  121 

Schiller,  170 

Scholars,  who  are,  143 

Schopenhauer,  90 
.  Self-education,  13 

Selfishness,  166 

Senate,  U.  S.,  115 

Seneca,  13 

Sentimentalism,  168 

Seventh  Day  Adventists,  159 

Sherman,  12 

Smith,  Goldwin,  17,  86 

Social  classes,  72 

Social  conventions,  12,  120, 
169 

Social  culture,  33 

Social  usages,  118-120,  169 

Socialism,  48,  168 

Societies,  141 

Society,  primitive,  81;  ad- 
vancing, 157,  163 

Sociology,  120 

Specialists,  30,  143 

Spencer,  Herbert,  91 

Spinoza,  68 

State,  relation  of  American  to 
U.S.,  38,  61,  65,  85;  to  its 
people,  118;  control  of 
education  by,  53,  62;  uni-. 
versities,  49,  62;  State 
selfishness,  78,  80;  sphere 
of,  124,  165;  origin  of,  154 

State  socialism,  168 

Statesmen,  practical,  19,  20; 
the  modern  American,  94, 
95 

Statutes,  unconstitutional,  101 ; 
consequential  results,  103; 
falsely  motived,  105;  basis 
of  authority  of,  136 

Style,  literary,  20 

Suffrage,  a  public  trust,  55,  56 

Sugar  bounty,  79 


178 


INDEX 


Suicide,  74 
Swift,  Dean,  3 
Syndicalism,  48 

Tact,  11,  12 

Tariffs,  87 

Teachers,  modes  of  teaching, 

121 
Theology,     160;      Protestant, 

150 

Theorists,  13 
Tolerance,  7,  66,  99,  100 
Transportation,    international, 

130 

Tripoli,  seizure  of,  128 
Truth,  teaching  the,  49 
Turgot,  110 

Unconstitutional  statutes,  101- 
103 

United  States,  nature  of  gov- 
ernment, 38,  53,  61-63,  85 

United  States  of  Europe,  154 

Universe,  order  of,  161 


Universities,  growth  of  at- 
tendance at,  2,  128;  Ger- 
man, 24;  Wittenberg,  32; 
American  State,  49;  loss  of 
corporate  authority,  135 

Victoria,  Queen,  143 
Voting,  compulsory,  55 

War,  its  causes,  128;  modify- 
ing, 152 

Wellington,  Duke  of,  94 

West,  Dean,  83 

William  and  Mary  College, 
135 

Woman,  university  education 
of,  2;  political  education 
by,  118;  conservatism  of, 
118 

World-law,  91,  97,  98 

World-opinion,  131 

World-politics,  63 

Yale  College,  6 


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